OF 
UNIVERSITY 

OF 


tv*. 


©  F 


LIFE 


OF 


REAR-ADMIRAL 


JOHN  PAUL  JONES, 

CHEVALIER  OF  THE  MILITARY  ORDER  OF  MERIT,  AND  OF  THE 
RUSSIAN  ORDER  OF  ST.  ANNE,  &c.  &c. 


COMPILED  FROM  HIS  ORIGINAL  JOURNALS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  :  INCLUDING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF 

HIS  SERVICES  IN  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION,  AND  IN  THFTWAR  BETWEEN 

THE  RUSSIANS  AND  TURKS  IN  THE  BLACK  SEA. 


ILLUSTRATED  WITH  NUMEROUS  ENGRAVINGS, 

From  Original  Drawings 

BY    JAMES    HAMILTON. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

WALKER  &  GILLIS,  32  S.  FOURTH  STREET. 
1845. 


Entered  according  to  tlie  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1845,  by 
BEN  J.    WALK  ER, 

in  the  office  of  the  clerk  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  in  and  fur  tlie 
Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


B.    M.    DUSENBERY,    STEREOTYPER. 
E.    N.    GROSSMAN,    PRINTER. 


PREFACE. 


THE  following  Life  of  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones,  is  formed 
on  the" basis  of  the  Edinburgh  "Memoirs,"  published  under 
the  sanction  of  his  family  connexions.  Some  alterations  and 
additions  have  been  made  by  the  American  editor,  and  all 
the  naval  embellishments  are  from  original  drawings,  by  Mr. 
Hamilton,  the  portraits  by  Mr.  Croorne  and  others. 

The  following  extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  Edinburgh 
"  Memoirs,"  will  show  the  sources  from  which  this  biography 
has  been  compiled.  So  much  of  the  work  was  \vritten  by 
Jones's  own  hand,  that  the  American  editor  has  felt  reluctant 
to  make  changes. 

The  papers  from  which  the  present  work  is  compiled  may 
now  be  enumerated  : — it  is,  however,  in  the  first  place,  worthy 
of  notice,  that  though  Paul  Jones  acted  a  prominent  part  in 
the  American  war,  a  very  small  portion  of  his  public  life 

was  spent  in  America.     His  field  of  enterprise  was  Europe. 

(iii) 


iv  PREFACE. 

Though  he  had  made  two  visits  to  the  United  States  be 
tween  the  years  1780  and  1792,  when  he  died  in  Paris,  he 
spent  but  a  short  time  in  America,  and  that  in  comparative 
inactivity. 

By  his  will,  dated  at  Paris  on  the  day  of  his  death,  Paul 

Jones  left  his  property  and  effects  of  all  kinds  to  his  sisters  in 

• 

.Scotland  and  their  children.  Immediately  on  his  decease  a 
regular,  or  rather  an  official  inventory  was  made  of  lys  volu 
minous  papers,  which  were  sealed  up  with  his  other  effects, 
till  brought  to  Scotland  by  his  eldest  sister,  Mrs.  Taylor,  a 
few  months  after  his  death.  They  have  ever  since  remained 
in  the  custody  of  his  family ;  and  are  now,  by  inheritance, 
become  the  property  of  his  niece,  Miss  Taylor  of  Dumfries. 
They  consist  of  several  bound  folio  volumes  of  letters  and 
documents,  which  are  officially  authenticated,  so  far  as  they 
are  public  papers ;  numerous  scrolls  and  copies  of  letters ; 
and  many  private  communications,  originating  in  his  widely- 
diffused  correspondence  in  France,  Holland,  America,  and 
other  quarters.  There  is,  in  addition  to  these,  a  collection  of 
writings  of  the  miscellaneous  kind  likely  to  be  accumulated 
by  a  man  of  active  habits,  who  had  for  many  years  mingled 
both  in  the  political  and  fashionable  circles,  wherever  he 
chanced  to  be  thrown. 

The  Journal  of  the  Campaign  of  1788  against  the  Turks, 
forms  of  itself  a  thick  MS.  bound  volume.  This  Journal  was 
drawn  up  by  Paul  Jones  for  the  perusal  of  the  Empress 


PREFACE.  V 

^Catherine  II.;  and  was  intended  for  publication  if  the  Russian 
government  failed  to  do  him  justice.  He  felt  that  it  totally 
failed;  but  death  anticipated  his  long-contemplated  purpose. 
To  this  Journal,  Mr.  Eton,  in  his  Survey  of  the  Turkish  Em 
pire,  refers,  as  having  been  seen  by  him.  It  was,  however, 
only  the  official  report,  transmitted  by  Paul  Jones  to  the  Ad 
miralty  of  the  Black  Sea,  that  this  gentleman  could  have 
seen.  This  singular  narrative,  which  so  confidently  gives 
the  lie  to  all  the  Russian  statements  of  that  momentous  cam 
paign,  is  written  in  French.  In  the  following  work  the 
language  of  the  original  is  as  closely  adhered  to  as  is  ad 
missible  even  in  the  most  literal  translation.  Several  pas 
sages  have  been  omitted,  and  others  curtailed,  as  they 
refer  merely  to  technical  details,  which  might  have  unduly 
swelled  this  work,  without  adding  much  to  its  interest.  Much 
of  the  voluminous  official  correspondence  which  passed  be 
tween  Paul  Jones  and  the  other  commanders  during  the  cam- 

O 

paign  is  also  omitted.  These  pieces  justijicatives  were  only 
intended  to  corroborate,  or  elucidate,  the  narrative;  they 
are,  save  in  a  few  instances  which  are  cited,  not  particularly 
interesting. 

Besides  the  above  papers  and  documents,  the  editor  has 
been  furnished  with  the  letters  written  by  Paul  Jones  to  his 
relations  in  Scotland,  from  the  time  that  he  was  a  ship-boy 
at  Whitehaven  till  he  died  an  Admiral  in  the  Russian  service, 
and  the  wearer  of  several  Orders.  From  these  materials  an 


vi  PREFACE. 

attempt  has  been  made  to  exhibit,  for  the  first  time,  the  real Sr 
character  of  this  remarkable  and  distinguished  individual, 
fairly,  but  liberally,— keeping  clear  of  hyperbole  and  exag 
geration  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  prejudice  and  misrepresen 
tation  on  the  other.  Of  each  of  these,  the  reputation,  and 
true  character  of  Paul  Jones,  have  long  been  the  alternate 
sport  or  victim. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 
Early  Life  of  Paul  Jones.     Goes  to  Sea.     Settles  in  Virginia 11 

CHAPTER  II. 

Commencement  of  the  Revolution.  Jones  enters  the  Naval  service  of  the 
United  States.  Expedition  to  Providence  under  Commodore  Hopkins. 
Expedition  to  Newfoundland.  Organization  of  the  Navy.  Intercourse 
with  Congress.  Jones  goes  to  Europe  in  the  Ranger 22 

CHAPTER  III. 

In  Paris.  Plan  of  Naval  Campaign.  Goes  to  Quiberon.  Obtains  the  first 
Salute.  Cruise  on  the  British  coast.  Capture  of  the  Drake.  Letter  to 
Lady  Selkirk.  Correspondence  with  Lord  Selkirk 49 

CHAPTER  IV. 

.Tones  in  France.  Prisoners  and  Prize  Agents.  New  plans.  Correspon 
dence  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  the  Commissioners  and  the  French  Minis 
ters.  Letter  to  the  King  of  France 76 

CHAPTER  V. 

Jones  declines  the  Privateer  service.  The  Bon  Homme  Richard  and  a 
Squadron  placed  under  his  command.  Sails  on  a  Cruise.  The  Cruise. 
Operations  on  the  British  coast 101 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Engagement  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  and   Serapis.     Capture  of  the 

Serapis.     Transactions  at  the  Tcxel  and  L'Orient 120 

(vih 


viii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Jones  at  Versailles.  The  gold  Sword.  Order  of  Merit.  Lanchis  and 
Arthur  Lee.  Mutiny.  Refitting  of  the  S_rapis.  Sailing  of  the  Alliance. 
Sailing  of  the  Ariel.  Ariel  dismasted.  Jones  and  Delia.  M.  de  Sar- 
liric's  letter  to  the  President « 15G 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Jones  in  the  United  States.  His  Narrative  of  the  Voyage.  Trial  and  dis-  1^ 
missal  of  Landais.  Complimentary  report  of  the  American  Board  of 
Admiralty.  Thanks  of  Congress.  Letter  from  Washington.  Appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  America.  Disappointed.  Return  of  peace.  Jones 
goes  to  Paris.  Returns  to  America.  Receives  gold  medal  from  Con 
gress.  Returns  to  Europe.  Enters  the  Russian  service.  Goes  to  St. 
Petersburg!! 175 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Jones's  Journal  of  his  Campaign  in  the  Liman 214 

CHAPTER  X. 

State  of 'affairs  in  Russia.     Character  of  Prince  Potemkin 287 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Jones  returns  to  St.  Petersburg!).  Unpleasant  affair.  Leaves  Russia.  Cor- 
rcspondencc 301 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Jones  and  Kosciusko.     Correspondence 355 

CHAPTER  XIII. 


Joaos's  domestic   and  literary   character.     Correspondence   with   Ladies. 
Residence  in  Paris.     Death.     Will.     Character *. 351 

APPENDIX *-. 397 


LIST  OF  EMBELLISHMENTS. 


PORTRAIT  OF  PAUL  JONES.     FRONTISPIECE. 

TITLE  PAGE.     MEDALLION  FROM   THE  CONGRESS  MEDAL. 

TAIL  PIECE Page  6 

INITIAL  LETTER 11 

TAIL  PIECE 21 

INITIAL  LETTER 22 

HOISTING  THE  AMERICAN  FLAG 28 

SAILING  OF  JONES'S  SQUADRON 30 

ESCAPE  FROM  THE   SOLEBAY 34 

ACTION  WITH  THE  MILFORD 34 

WRECK  OF  THE  HAMPDEN 35 

DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  TRANSPORT 37 

TAIL  PIECE 43 

INITIAL  LETTER 49 

THE  FIRST  SALUTE 52 

SINKING  OF  THE  BRIGANTINE 54 

ESCAPE  OF  THE  REVENUE  WHERRY 55 

EXPEDITION  TO  WHITEHAVEN 57 

DESCENT  ON   WH1TEHAVEN 60 

DESCENT  ON  ST.  MARY'S  ISLE 62 

ACTION  BETWEEN  THE  RANGER  AND  THE  DRAKE 64 

RELEASE  OF  THE  IRISHMEN 66 

TAIL  PIECE 75 

INITIAL  LETTER 76 

TAILPIECE 100 

INITIAL  LETTER 101 

PORTRAIT— LA  FAYETTE 104 

STORM  OFF  THE  COAST  OF  SCOTLAND 113 

ADVENTURE  ON  THE  COAST  OF  FIFE 117 

TAIL  PIECE Ill) 

INITIAL  LETTER 120 

MEETING  'OF  THE  FLEETS 121 

ADVENTURE  OFF  THE  HUMBER 122 

THE  RICHARD  AND  SERAPIS.     BEGINNING  OF  THE  ACTION 124 

THE  RICHARD  AND  SERAPIS.     CLOSE  ACTION 125 

ACTION  BETWEEN  THE   RICHARD  AND  SERAPIS 128 

SINKING  OF  THE  BON  HOMME  RICHARD 131 

PORTRAIT— COMMODORE  DALE 1 33 

PORTRAIT— ROBERT  MORRIS 151 

ESCAPE  OF  THE  ALLIANCE. .  153 


x  LIST  OF  EMBELLISHMENTS. 

TAIL  PIECE .. 1 55 

INITIAL  LETTER ....156 

PORTRAIT— SILAS  DEANE 169 

THE  ARIEL  RIDING  OUT  THE  STORM 170 

TAIL  PIECE 174 

INITIAL  LETTER 1 75 

VICTORY  OF  THE  ARIEL 177 

PORTRAIT— JOHN  ADAMS 192 

PORTRAIT— THOMAS  JEFFERSON 200 

TAIL  PIECE 213 

INITIAL  LETTER 214 

CROSSING  THE  BALTIC 219 

GOING  ON  BOARD  THE  WOLODIMER 221 

JONES  HOISTS  HIS  FLAG  ON  BOARD  THE  WOLODIMER 223 

AFFAIR  OF  JUNE  6th 227 

COMBAT  WITH   THE   TURKS 223 

ACTION  BETWEEN  THE  TURKS  AND  RUSSIAN  SQUADRON.. .  232 

BURNING  OF  THE  TURKISH  VESSELS 234 

JONES  TAKING  SOUNDINGS  OFF  OCZAKOW 235 

ATTACK  ON  THE  SHIPS  AGROUND 237 

BURNING  OF  THE  TURKISH  FLEET 239 

FLOTILLA   ACTION 240 

BURNING  OF  A  FRIGATE 241 

BURNING  OF  THE  CAPITAN  PACHA'S  GALLEY 243 

ACTION  OF  THE  28th  OF  JUNE 243 

CAPTURE  OF  THE  TURKISH  CHALOUPES 249 

JONES  CUTTING  OUT  A  TURKISH  VESSEL 253 

THE  CAPITAN  PACHA  SOUNDING , 255 

CAPTURE  OF  THE  LODKA 257 

RUSSIAN  ATTACK  ON  OCZAKOW 263 

FLOTILLA  ACTION 265 

JONES'S  NIGHT  EXPEDITION 267 

BURNING  OF  A  TURKISH  VESSEL 26S 

TAIL  PIECE 286 

INITIAL  LETTER 287 

INITIAL  LETTER ' 301 

PORTRAIT— CATHERINE   II 310 

TAIL  PIECE 324 

INITIAL  LETTER 325 

PORTRAIT— KOSCIUSKO 326 

PORTRAIT— WASHINGTON 330 

TAIL  PIECE 350 

INITIAL  LETTER 351 

TAIL  PIECE 396 

TAIL  PIECE— JONES  SAVING  THE  BOATS..  .  .  .399 


LIFE 


OF 


COMMODORE  JOHN  PAUL  JONES. 


CHAPTER  I. 


OHN    PAUL    JONES    was 

born  on  the  6th  of  July,  1747, 
at  Arbigland,  in  the  parish  of 
Kirkbean,  and  stewartry  of 
Kirckudbright,  in  Scotland. 

The  family  of  the  Pauls  was 
originally  from  Fife ;  but  the 
grandfather  of  John  Paul, — the 
name  of  Jones  being  long  after 
wards  assumed, — kept  a  public,  or  as  it  was  then  called,  a 
mail-garden  in  Leith,  on  a  spot  long  since  covered  with 
buildings.  His  son,  the  father  of  John  Paul  Jones,  followed 
the  same  profession;  and,  on  finishing  his  apprenticeship, 
entered  into  the  employment  of  Mr.  Craik  of  Arbigland,  in 
which  he  remained  till  his  death,  in  1767. 

A  gardener  at  that  period  was  understood  to  be  a  person 
of  better  education  than  a  common  operative  mechanic  in 
ordinary  handicrafts.  The  father  of  Paul  Jones  must  have 
been  a  man  both  of  intelligence  and  worth.  The  garden  of 


12  EARLY  LIFE. 

Arbigland  was  laid  out  by  him ;  and  he  planted  the  trees  that 
now  embellish  the  mansion.  The  period  of  his  service,  and 
the  interest  which  his  employer  took  in  his  orphan  family, 
established  the  general  worth  and  respectability  of  his 
character. 

Shortly  after  entering  into  the  employment  of  Mr.  Craik, 
John  Paul  married  Jean  Macduff,  the  daughter  of  a  small 
farmer  in  the  neighbouring  parish  of  New- Abby.  The  Mac- 
duffs  were  a  respectable  rural  race  in  their  own  district; 
and  some  of  them  had  been  small  landed  proprietors  in  the 
parish  of  Kirkbean,  for  an  immemorial  period.  Of  this  mar 
riage  there  were  seven  children,  of  whom  John — afterwards 
known  as  John  Paul  Jones — was  the  fifth :  he  may  indeed  be 
called  the  youngest,  as  two  children  born  after  him  died  in 
infancy.*  The  first-born  of  the  family,  William  Paul,  went 
abroad  early  in  life,  and  finally  settled  and  married  in  Fred- 
ericksburgh,  in  Virginia.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  man 
of  enterprise  and  judgment.  Beyond  his  early  education  and 
virtuous  habits  he  could  have  derived  no  advantage  from  his 
family;  and,  in  1772  or  1773,  when  he  died,,still  a  young 
man,  he  left  a  considerable  fortune.  Of  the  daughters,  the 
eldest,  Elizabeth,  died  unmarried, — Janet,  the  second,  married 
Mr.  Taylor,  a  watchmaker  in  Dumfries,— and  the  third, 
Mary  Ann,  was  twice  married,  first  to  a  Mr.  Young,  and 
afterwards  to  Mr.  Louden.  Of  the  relations  of  Admiral 
Tones,  several  nieces,  and  a  grand-nephew,  now  in  the 
United  States,  still  survive. 

*  Among  the  many  calumnies  by  which  the  memory  of  Admiral  Paul 
Jones  has  been  loaded,  and  the  numerous  vulgar  traditions  that  hang  about 
his  reputation,  and  conceal  his  genuine  character,  is  an  absurd  story  of  his 
having  been  the  son  of  cither  Mr.  Craik,  his  father's  employer,  of  one  of  the 
Earls  of  Selkirk,  or  of  some  other  great  personage,  name  unknown;  as  if  it 
were  impossible  that  a  man  so  distinguished  by  gallantry  and  enterprise, 
could  be,  in  very  deed,  merely  the  fifth  child  of  Mr.  John  Paul,  the  gardener. 
His  correspondence  in  the  farther  progress  of  his  narrative  will  sufficiently 
refute  an  obsolete  slander  which  was  perhaps  scarcely  worth  notice. 


APPRENTICESHIP.  13 

The  residence  of  his  father,  near  the  shores  of  the  Solway, 
in  one  of  the  most  beautiful  points  of  the  Frith,  must  have 
been  favourable  to  the  genius  of  one  who  was  destined  to 
play  the  part  of  John  Paul  Jones — to  have, — 

"  His  march  upon  the  mountain  wave, 
His  home  upon  the  deep." 

In  the  traditions  of  his  family,  young  Paul  is  described  as 
launching,  while  a  mere  child,  his  mimic-ship,  hoisting  his 
flag,  and  issuing  his  mandates  to  his  imaginary  crew  with  all 
the  firmness  and  dignity  of  one  born  to  lead  and  to  command 
his  fellows. 

Among  the  numerous  unfounded  slanders  and  rumours  of 
which  this  brave  and  misrepresented  man  has  been  the 
object,  is  the  assertion,  that  he  ran  off  to  sea  against  the  will 
of  his  relations.  Even  this  transgression  might  have  been 
atoned  by  his  after  life;  but  it  was  not  committed.  His 
inclination  for  the  bold  and  hardy  mode  of  life  which  he 
adopted,  appears,  as  it  often  does  in  boyhood,  to  have  been 
a  strong  passion,  fostered  by  his  childish  pastimes,  and  en 
couraged  by  much  that  he  saw  and  heard  in  his  daily  inter 
course  with  ships  and  seamen.  Man  or  boy,  Paul  Jones  was 
not  moulded  in  the  stamp  of  character  which  shrinks  from 
facing  out  what  is  once  firmly  resolved.  A  sailor's  life  was 
his  decided  choice ;  and  at  the  age  of  twelve  he  was  sent 
across  the  Solway  by  his  relations,  and  bound  apprentice  to 
Mr.  Younger,  of  Whitehaven.  This  gentleman,  who  was 
then  a  respectable  merchant  in  the  American  trade,  he  found 
a  kind  and  liberal  master. 

Though  Paul  Jones  was  thus  early  estranged  from  his 
family,  and  was  afterwards  prevented  from  much  personal 
intercourse  with  them,  this  narrative  will  afford  abundant 
evidence  that,  like  almost  every  other  young  Scottish  adven 
turer — to  the  national  honour  be  it  told — he  continued  a  most 
affectionate  son  and  brother,  even  when  at  the  highest  eleva- 
2 


14  FIRST  VOYAGE. 

tion  of  his  fortune ;  giving  constant  proof,  not  merely  of  his 
readiness  to  minister  to  the  comforts  of  his  relations,  but  of 
his  anxiety  for  the  union,  respectability,  and  prosperity  of  his 
sisters  and  their  families. — To  them  he  at  last  bequeathed 
the  whole  of  his  fortune. 

The  education  which  young  Paul  received  at  the  parish- 
school  of  Kirkbean,  must  have  terminated  when  he  went  to 
sea.  His  after  acquirements — and  they  were  considerable — 
were  the  fruits  of  private  study,  and  of  such  casual  oppor 
tunities  as  in  boyhood  he  had  the  forethought  and  good  sense 
to  improve  as  often  as  his  ship  came  into  port.  His  first 
voyage  was  made  to  America,  the  country  of  his  after  adop 
tion.  He  sailed  in  the  Friendship,  of  Whitehaven ;  and,  before 
he  was  thirteen,  landed  on  the  shores  of  Rappahannock. 
While  the  Friendship  remained  in  port,  young  Paul  lived  in 
the  house  of  his  brother  William,  and  assiduously  studied 
navigation  and  other  branches  of  learning,  either  connected 
with  his  profession  or  of  general  utility. 

In  the  course  of  a  short  time,  his  good  conduct,  intelligence, 
and  knowledge  of  his  profession,  procured  him  the  confidence 
and  friendship  of  his  master,  who  promised  him  his  future 
protection  and  favour.  From  the  subsequent  embarrassment 
of  his  o\vn  affairs,  Mr.  Younger  was  unable  to  fulfil  this 
promise ;  but,  in  giving  the  young  seaman  up  his  indentures, 
he  did  all  he  could  then  perform.  Thus  honourably  released 
from  his  early  engagements,  Paul  Jones,  while  still  a  mere 
boy,  obtained  the  appointment  of  third  mate  of  the  King 
George  of  Whitehaven,  a  vessel  engaged  in  the  slave-trade. 
From  this  ship  he  went  about  the  year  1766,  being  now  nine 
teen  years  of  age,  into  the  brigantine  Two  Friends,  of  King 
ston,  Jamaica,  as  chief  mate.  This  ship  w-as  engaged  in  the 
same  nefarious  traffic.  It  is  stated  by  his  relatives,  the  only 
source  of  information  on  the  early  period  of  his  life  that  is 
either  accessible  or  to  be  relied  on,  that  he  quitted  this 
abominable  trade  in  disgust  at  its  enormities ;  and,  in  conse- 


APPOINTED  MASTER.  15 

qucncc  of  abandoning  it,  returned  to  Scotland  in  17G8,  as  a 
passenger  in  the  brigantine  John  of  Kirkcudbright,  Captain 
Macadam,  commander.  On  this  voyage  the  captain  and 
mate  both  died  of  fever;  and  there  being  no  one  on  board  so 
capable  of  navigating  the  ship,  Paul  assumed  the  command, 
and  brought  her  safe  into  port.  For  this  well-timed  piece 
of  service  he  was  appointed  by  the  owners,  Currie,  Beck, 
&  Co.,  master  and  supercargo.  This  was  almost  the  last 
time  that  young  Paul  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  his  re 
lations.  He  only  met  them  once  again,  about  the  middle  of 
the  year  1771. 

While  Paul  Jones  was  on  board  this  vessel,  a  circumstance 
occurred  which  afterwards,  in  times  of  violent  prejudice  and 
party-feeling,  was  eagerly  laid  hold  of  to  traduce  and  blacken 
his  character,  and  to  represent  him  as  a  cruel  and  lawless 
brigand,  eager  for  plunder  and  thirsting  for  blood,*  guilty  of 
a  thousand  enormities,  though  of  what  precise  kind  no  one 
could  specify.  It  was  confidently  stated — and  is  still  indeed 
very  generally  believed — that  while  in  the  command  of  the 
John  he  punished  a  man  named  Mungo  Maxwell,  the  carpen 
ter  of  that  vessel,  so  severely,  that  he  died  in  consequence  of 
the  stripes  he  received.  The  affidavitsf  given  below  clearly 

*It  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  many  of  his  own  intelligent  countrymen 
do  to  this  day  know  of  Paul  Jones  only  as  a  wild  reckless  adventurer,  a  sort  of 
modern  buccaneer,  possessed  of  no  redeeming-  quality  save  great  personal  cour 
age  and  intrepidity, — or  as  the  subject  of  vulgar  ballads  and  marvellous  legends, 
daring  impossible  and  acting  horrible  deeds,  among  which  was  the  one  above 

alluded  to. 

"  Tobago. 

t"  Before  the  Honourable  Lieutcnant-Govcrnor,  William  Young,  Esq.,  of 
the  island  aforesaid,  personally  appeared  James  Simpson,  Esq.,  who,  being 
duly  sworn  upon  the  Holy  Evangelists  of  Almighty  God,  dcposeth  and  saith, 
That  some  time  about  the  beginning  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy,  a  person  in  the  habit  of  a  sailor  came  to 
this  deponent  (who  was  at  that  time  Judge  Surrogate  of  the  Court  of  Vice- 
Admiralty  for  the  island  aforesaid)  with  a  complaint  against  John  Paul,  (com 
mander  of  a  brigantine  then  lying  in  Rockley  Bay  of  the  said  island,)  for 


16  CALUMNY. 

refute  this  calumny,  which  probably  originated  among  those 
of  his  contemporaries  who  envied  the  place  and  influence  his 
superior  intelligence  and  energy  had  so  early  acquired  for 
him.  So  tenacious  of  life  is  slander,  however  false  and 

having  beat  the  then  complainant,  (who  belonged  to  the  said  John  Paul's  ves 
sel,)  at  the  same  time  showing  this  deponent  his  shoulders,  which  had  thereon 
the  marks  of  several  stripes,  but  none  that  were  either  mortal  or  dangerous,  to 
the  best  of  this  deponent's  opinion  and  belief.  And  this  deponent  further  saith, 
that  he  did  summon  the  said  John  Paul  before  him,  who,  in  his  vindication, 
alleged  that  the  said  complainant  had  on  all  occasions  proved  very  ill  qualified 
for,  as  well  as  very  negligent  in,  his  duty;  and  also,  that  he  was  very  lazy  and 
inactive  in  the  execution  of  his  (the  said  John  Paul's)  lawful  commands,  at  the 
same  time  declaring  his  sorrow  for  having  corrected  the  complainant.  And 
this  deponent  further  saith,  that  having  dismissed  the  complaint  as  frivolous, 
the  complainant,  as  this  deponent  believes,  returned  to  his  duty.  And  this 
deponent  further  saith,  that  he  has  since  understood  that  the  said  complainant 
died  afterwards  on  board  of  a  different  vessel,  on  her  passage  to  some  of  the 
Leeward  Islands,  and  that  the  said  John  Paul  (as  this  deponent  is  informed) 
has  been  accused  in  Great  Britain  as  the  immediate  author  of  the  said  com 
plainant's  death,  by  means  of  the  said  stripes  herein  before  mentioned,  which 
accusation  this  deponent,  for  the  sake  of  justice  and  humanity,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner  declares,  and  believes  to  be,  in  his  judgment,  without  any  just 
foundation,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  stripes  before  mentioned,  which  this  depo 
nent  very  particularly  examined.  And  further  this  deponent  saith  not. 

"JAMES  SIMPSON. 

"Sworn  before  me,  this  30th  day  of 
June,  1772,  WILLIAM  YOUNG." 

"James  Eastment,  mariner,  and  late  master  of  the  Barcelona  packet,  maketh 
oath,  and  saith,  That  Mungo  Maxwell,  carpenter,  formerly  on  board  the  John, 
Captain  John  Paul,  master,  came  in  good  health  on  board  his,  this  deponent's 
said  vessel,  then  lying  in  Great  Rockley  Bay,  in  the  island  of  Tobago,  about 
the  middle  of  the  month  of  June,  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy,  in  the  capacity  of  a  carpenter,  aforesaid;  that  he  acted  as  such  in 
every  respect  in  perfect  health  for  some  days  after  he  came  on  board  this  depo 
nent's  said  vessel,  the  Barcelona  packet;  after  which  he  was  taken  ill  of  a 
fever  and  lowness  of  spirits,  which  continued  for  four  or  five  days,  when  he 
died  on  board  the  said  vessel,  during  her  passage  from  Tobago  to  Antigua. 
And  this  deponent  further  saith,  that  he  never  heard  the  said  Mungo  Maxwell 
complain  of  having  received  any  ill  usage  from  the  said  Captain  John  Paul; 
but  that  he,  this  deponent,  verily  believes  the  said  Mungo  Maxwell's  death  was 


CALUMNY.  17 

groundless,  that  twenty  years  afterwards,  when  Paul  Jones 
was  a  rear-admiral  in  the  Russian  service,  the  same  calum 
nious  story  was  revived,  though  Maxwell  the  carpenter  wras 
then  transformed  into  Jones's  own  nephew.  This  was  done 
to  injure  him  with  the  Empress  Catherine,  and  when,  instead 
of  his  ancient  school-fellows  of  Kirkbean,  or  ship-mates  of 
Kirkcudbright,  his  rivals  were  the  Princes  Potemkin  and  De 
Nassau. 

One  of  the  earliest  letters  of  Jones  now  extant  relates  to 
this  unfortunate  affair,  which  was  calculated  to  make  a  deep 
impression  on  a  young  and  ingenuous  mind,  and  gave  much 
uneasiness  and  pain  to  him.  The  letter  is  addressed  to  his 
mother  and  sisters,  and  giAres  a  better  and  fairer  view  of  his 
youthful  character  than  could  be  given  by  the  most  laboured 
panegyric  of  a  biographer : — 

"LONDON,  24tb  September,  1772. 
"My  DEAR  MOTHER.  AND  SISTERS, 

"  I  only  arrived  here  last  night  from  the  Grenadas.  I  have 
had  but  poor  health  during  the  voyage ;  and  my  success  in  it 
not  having  equalled  my  first  sanguine  expectations,  has  added 
very  much  to  the  asperity  of  my  misfortunes,  and,  I  am  well 
assured,  was  the  cause  of  my  loss  of  health.  I  am  now, 

occasioned  by  a  fever  and  lowness  of  spirits,  as  aforesaid,  and  not  by  or 
through  any  other  cause  or  causes  whatsoever. 

"JAMES  EASTMENT. 
"  Sworn  at  the  Mansion  House,  London, 

this  30th  of  January,  1773,  before  me, 

JAMES  TOWNSEND,  Mayor." 

"These  do  certify  to  whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  bearer,  Captain  John 
Paul,  was  two  voyages  master  of  a  vessel  called  the  John,  in  our  employ  in 
the  West  India  trade,  during  which  time  he  approved  himself  every  way 
qualified  both  as  a  navigator  and  supercargo;  but  as  our  present  firm  is  dis 
solved,  the  vessel  was  sold,  and  of  course  he  is  out  of  our  employ,  all  accounts 
between  him  and  the  owners  being  amicably  adjusted.  Certified  at  Kirkcud 
bright  this  1st  April,  1771. 

"  CURRIE,  BECK  &  Co.'1 
2* 


18  LETTER  TO  HTS  FAMILY. 

however,  better,  and  I  trust  Providence  will  soon  put  me  in 
a  way  to  get  bread,  and  (which  is  by  far  my  greatest  happi 
ness)  be  serviceable  to  my  poor  but  much  valued  friends.  I 
am  able  to  give  you  no  account  of  my  future  proceedings, 
as  they  depend  upon  circumstances  which  are  not  fully 
determined. 

"  I  have  enclosed  you  a  copy  of  an  affidavit  made  before 
Governor  Young,  by  the  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Vice- Admi 
ralty  of  Tobago,  by  which  you  will  see  with  how  little  reason 
my  life  has  been  thirsted  after,  and,  which  is  much  dearer  to 
me,  my  honour,,  by  maliciously  loading  my  fair  character 
with  obloquy  and  vile  aspersions.  I  believe  there  are  few 
who  are  hard-hearted  enough  to  think  I  have  not  long  since 
given  the  world  every  satisfaction  in  my  power,  being  con 
scious  of  my  innocence  before  Heaven,  who  will  one  day 
judge  even  my  judges.  I  staked  my  honour,  life,  and  fortune 
for  six  long  months  on  the  verdict  of  a  British  jury,  notwith 
standing  I  was  sensible  of  the  general  prejudices  which  ran 
against  me ;  but,  after  all,  none  of  my  accusers  had  the  cour 
age  to  confront  me.  Yet  I  am  willing  to  convince  the  world,  if 
reason  and  facts  will  do  it,  that  they  have  had  no  foundation 
for  their  harsh  treatment.  I  mean  to  send  Mr.  Craik  a  copy 
properly  proved,  as  his  nice  feelings  will  not  perhaps  be 
otherways  satisfied  ;*  in  the  mean  time,  if  you  please,  you 
may  show  him  that  enclosed.  His  ungracious  conduct  to  me 
before  I  left  Scotland  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  get  the 
better  of.  Every  person  of  feeling  must  think  meanly  of  add 
ing  to  the  load  of  the  afflicted.  It  is  true  I  bore  it  with 
seeming  unconcern,  but  Heaven  can  witness  for  me  that  I 
suffered  the  more  on  that  very  account.  But  enough  of 
this.  And  now  a  word  or  two  in  the  family  way,  and  I 
have  done." 


*  Mr.  Craik  was  perfectly  convinced  of  his  innocence,  but  they  never  either 
met  or  corresponded  afterwards. 


MR.  CRAIK.  19 

As  the  employer  and  patron  of  his  deceased  father,  young 
Paul  naturally  looked  to  Mr.  Craik  for  advice  and  counte 
nance  to  himself,  and  for  protection  and  kindness  to  his  help 
less  female  relatives.  The  following  letter  illustrates  the  true 
nature  of  his  connexion  with  that  gentleman,  the  fetters  of 
whose  cautious  kindness  do  not  appear  to  have  sat  very 
easily  upon  him.  It  also  throws  an  incidental  light  on  his 
energetic  and  self-depending  character,  even  at  this  early 
period  of  his  life : — 

"  ST.  GEORGE'S,  Grenada,  5th  August,  1770. 
*'  SIR, 

"  Common  report  here  says  that  my  owners  are  going  to 
finish  their  connexions  in  the  West  Indies  as  fast  as  possible. 
How  far  this  is  true  I  shall  not  pretend  to  judge ;  but  should 
that  really  prove  the  case,  you  know  the  disadvantages  I 
must  of  course  labour  under. 

"  These,  however,  would  not  have  been  so  great  had  I 
been  acquainted  with  the  matter  sooner,  as  in  that  case  I 
believe  I  could  have  made  interest  with  some  gentleman  here 
to  have  been  concerned  with  me  in  a  large  ship  out  of  Lon 
don;  and  as  these  gentlemen  have  estates  in  this  and  the 
adjacent  islands,  I  should  have  been  able  to  make  tw^o 
voyages  every  year,  and  always  had  a  full  ship  out  and 
home,  &c.  &c.  &c. 


"  However,  I  by  no  means  repine,  as  it  is  a  maxim  with 
me  to  do  my  best,  and  leave  the  rest  to  Providence.  I  shall 
take  no  step  whatever  without  your  knowledge  and  appro 
bation. 

"  I  have  had  several  very  severe  fevers  lately,  which 
have  reduced  me  a  good  deal,  though  I  am  now  perfectly 
recovered. 


20  IN  THE  INDIA  TRADE. 

"  I  must  beg  you  to  supply  my  mother  should  she  want 
anything,  as  I  well  know  your  readiness. 

"  I  hope  yourself  and  family  enjoy  health  and  happiness. 
I  am,  most  sincerely, 

"  Sir,  yours  always, 

"  JOHN  PAUL." 

It  has  been  alleged,  that  about  this  time  young  Paul  was 
engaged  in  the  contraband  trade,  then  very  generally  prac 
tised  among  the  self-named  fair-dealers  of  the  towns  along 
both  shores  of  the  Solway.  Without  entering  into  the  ques 
tion  of  how  far  at  that  period  the  act  of  smuggling  might 
otherwise  affect  a  man's  moral  character  or  estimation  in 
society,  it  is  certain  that  Jones  long  afterwards  decidedly 
and  indignantly  repelled  this  degrading  charge,  and  that  the 
first  entry  of  goods  from  England  to  the  Isle  of  Man.  after 
that  nest  of  smugglers  and  centre  of  the  contraband  trade 
had  been  annexed  to  the  crown,  stands  in  his  name  in  the 
Custom-house  books  of  Douglas. 

Soon  after  this  period  Paul  obtained  command  of  the 
Betsy  of  London,  a  West  India  ship,  and  remained  for  a  time 
in  the  islands  engaged  in  commercial  speculations,  to  which 
his  subsequent  letters  refer.  He  appears  to  have  left  consi 
derable  funds  in  Tobago;  and  in  1773  we  find  him  in  Virginia 
arranging  the  affairs  of  his  brother  William,,  who  had  died 
intestate,  and  without  leaving  children.  About  this  time  he 
assumed  the  name  of  Jonos. 

The  American  Revolution,  of  the  progress  of  which  Paul 
Jones  could  not  have  been  an  indifferent  spectator,  found  him 
living  in  deep  retirement,  unoccupied,  and  for  the  time  in  a 
state  of  great  privation,  occasioned  by  the  dilatoriness  or 
misconduct  of  his  agents.  At  this  time  he  had  subsisted  for 
twenty  months  on  the  sum  of  fifty  pounds.  It  is  to  this 
period  that  Jones  refers  in  his  celebrated  letter  to  the  Count- 


RETIREMENT.  21 

ess  of  Selkirk,  when  he  says,  "  Before  this  war  began  I  had 
at  the  early  time  of  life  withdrawn  from  the  sea-service,  in 
favour  of 'calm  contemplation  and  poetic  ease'  I  have  sacri 
ficed  not  only  my  favourite  scheme  of  life,  but  the  softer 
affections  of  the  heart,  and  my  prospects  of  domestic  happi 
ness,  and  am  ready  to  sacrifice  my  life  also  with  che^ful- 
ness,  if  that  forfeiture  could  restore  peace  and  good-will 
among  mankind." 


22 


ENTERS  THE  AMERICAN  SERVICE. 


CHAPTER  II. 


JJT  Jones,  whatever  he  might  think, 
'was  not  of  the  temperament  to 
which  the  cultivation  of  maize  and 
tobacco — which  in  America  about 
at  period  must  have  compre 
hended  "  the  rural  life  in  all  its  joy 
band  elegance" — could  long  remain 
the  favourite  scheme.  He  was 
now  twenty-eight — the  very  prime 
of  active  existence — full  of  talent  and  enterprise,  ardent  and 
ambitious,  and  quite  of  the  mind  in  which  he  seems  to  have 
held  through  life,  that  though  it  might  be  shame  to  be  on  any 
side  but  one,  it  was  greater  shame  to  lie  idle  when  blows 
were  going.  JMany  causes  combined  to  make  him  believe  the 
cause  of  the  colonies  the  right  one — the  cause  of  liberty, 
justice,  and  humanity.  A  man  who  from  the  age  of  twelve 
had  been  a  wanderer  on  the  deep,  must  have  been  as  much 
at  home  in  America  as  in  Britain.  Both  countries  must  have 
appeared  integral  portions  of  the  same  state;  and  in  its  civil 
dissensions,  circumstances  determined  the  part  he  should  take. 
Thus  right  or  wrong  as  to  the  side  he  took.  Jones  stood  clear 
in  his  motives  to  his  own  conscience.  To  him  indeed  the 
cause  of  America — the  country,  as  he  afterwards  terms  it, 
of  his  "fond  election" — was  the  elevating  source  of  his  most 
brilliant  actions.  It  is  but  fair  to  allow  him  to  be  the  inter 
preter  of  his  own  motives : — of  his  deeds  every  man  is  at 
liberty  to  judge.  Four  years  after  he  had  volunteered  in  the 
cause  of  America,  it  is  thus  he  addresses  the  Baron  Vander 


ENTERS  THE  AMERICAN  SERVICE.  23 

Capellan,  having,  it  must  be  owned,  a  favourite  object  to 
carry  at  Amsterdam : — 

"  I  was  indeed  born  in  Britain ;  but  I  do  not  inherit  the 
degenerate  spirit  of  that  fallen  nation,  which  I  at  once  lament 
and  despise.  It  is  far  beneath  me  to  reply  to  their  hireling 
invectives.  They  are  strangers  to  the  inward  approbation 
that  greatly  animates  and  rewards  the  man  who  draws'  his 
sword  only  in  support  of  the  dignity  of  freedom.  America 
has  been  the  country  of  my  fond  election  from  the  age  of 
thirteen,  when  I  first  saw  it.  I  had  the  honour  to  hoist  with  my 
own  hands  the  flag  of  freedom,  the  first  time  it  was  displayed, 
on  the  Delaware ;  and  I  have  attended  it  with  veneration 
ever  since  on  the  ocean." 

Though  in  the  heat  of  a  struggle,  which,  from  its  very  na 
ture,  was,  like  the  feuds  of  the  nearest  relatives,  singularly  ran 
corous  and  bitter,  Jones  \vas  branded  as  a  traitor  and  a  felon, 
and  after  his  most  brilliant  action,  the  capture  of  the  Serapis, 
formally  denounced  by  the  British  ambassador  at  the  Hague 
as  a  rebel  and  a  pirate  according  to  the  laws  of  war,*  it 
must  be  remembered  that  he  bore  this  stigma  in  common  with 
the  best  and  greatest  of  his  contemporaries — with  Franklin 
and  Washington ;  which  last  had  actually  borne  arms  in  the 
service  of  the  King  of  England.  The  memory  of  Paul  Jones 
now  needs  little  vindication  for  this  important  step.  After 
the  peace  he  enjoyed  the  esteem  and  private  friendship  of 
Englishmen  who  might  have  forgiven  the  most  imbittered 
political  hostility,  but  never  could  have  overlooked  a  taint  on 
personal  honour.  Of  this  number  was  the  Earl  of  Wemyss, 
who  after  the  peace  endeavoured  to  promote  the  views  of 
Jones  on  various  occasions.  He  himself,  however,  discovers 
a  lurking  consciousness  of  having  incurred,  if  not  of  meriting, 
suspicion  on  this  delicate  ground.  This  is  chiefly  displayed 

*  Memorial  of  Sir  Joseph  York  to  the  States-General,  dated  the  Hague, 
8th  October,  1779. 


24  CHARACTER. 

by  his  eloquent  though  rather  frequent  assertions  of  purity  of 
motive,  superiority  to  objects  of  sordid  interest,  and  disinte 
rested  zeal  for  the  cause,  now  of  America,  now  of  human 
nature,  as  was  best  adapted  to  the  supposed  inclinations  of 
his  correspondents.  In  ordinary  circumstances  much  of  this 
might  have  appeared  uncalled  for ;  but  the  situation  of  Jones 
was  in  many  respects  peculiar  both  as  a  native-born  Briton, 
and  as  a  man  of  obscure  origin,  jealous — and  pardonably  so 
— of  his  independence  and  dignity  of  character.  Somewhat 
of  the  heroic  vaunting  which  marks  other  parts  of  his  corre 
spondence  appears  incident  to  the  enthusiastic  temperament 
of  many  great  naval  commanders.  How  would  Nelson's 
tone  of  confident  prediction,  and  boasts  of  prowess,  have 
sounded  from  the  lips  of  an  inferior  man  ? — In  any  other  than 
himself  the  customary  language  of  Drake  would  have  been 
reckoned  that  of  an  insolent  braggart. 

Besides  the  public  spirit  and  love  of  liberty  which  in  Jones 
were  both  warm  and  sincere,  other  motives  of  that  mixed 
nature,  by  which  every  human  being,  how  disinterested  and 
devoted  soever,  must  at  times  be  influenced,  were  not  want 
ing  to  enlist  him  on  the  side  of  the  colonies.  He  was  living  at 
the  most  active  period  of  life  in  penury  and  neglect.  His 
friendships,  his  interests,  his  gratitude,  all  inclined  him  to  the 
part  of  America.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Stuart  Mawey 
of  Tobago,  written  immediately  before  he  went  to  Europe 
in  open  hostility  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  a  letter 
which  does  as  much  honour  to  the  clearness  of  his  head  as 
to  the  integrity  and  filial  kindness  of  his  heart,  these  circum 
stances  are  distinctly  explained. 

"BOSTON,  4th  May,  1777. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  After  an  unprofitable  suspense  of  twenty  months,  (having 
subsisted  on  fifty  pounds  only  during  that  time,)  when  my 
hopes  of  relief  were  entirely  cut  off,  and  there  remained  no 


LETTER  TO   MR.  MAWEY.  25 

possibility  of  my  receiving  wherewithal  to  subsist  upon  from 
my  effects  in  your  island,  or  in  England,  I  at  last  had  recourse 
to  strangers  for  that  aid  and  comfort  which  was  denied  me 
by  those  friends  whom  I  had  entrusted  with  my  all.  The 
good  offices  which  are  rendered  to  persons  in  their  extreme 
need,  ought  to  make  deep  impressions  on  grateful  minds ;  in 
my  case  I  feel  the  truth  of  that  sentiment,  and  am  bound  by 
gratitude,  as  well  as  honour,  to  follow7  the  fortunes  of  my  late 
benefactors. 

"  I  have  lately  seen  Nr.  Sicaton,  (late  manager  on  the 
estates  of  Arch.  Stuart,  Esq.)  who  informed  me  that  Mr. 
Ferguson  had  quitted  Orange  Valley,  on  being  charged  with 
the  unjust  application  of  the  property  of  his  employers.  I 
have  been,  and  am  extremely  concerned  at  this  account;  I 
wish  to  disbelieve  it,  although  it  seems  too  much  of  a  piece 
with  the  unfair  advantage  which,  to  all  appearance,  he  took 
of  me,  when  he  left  me  in  exile  for  twenty  months,  a  prey  to 
melancholy  and  want,  and  withheld  my  property,  without 
writing  a  word  in  excuse  for  his  conduct.  Thus  circum 
stanced,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  sending  you  a  letter  of 
attorney  by  Captain  Cleaveland,  who  undertakes  to  deliver 
it  himself,  as  he  goes  for  Tobago  via  Martinico.  You  have 
enclosed  a  copy  of  a  list  of  debts  acknowledged,  which  I  re 
ceived  from  Mr.  Ferguson  when  I  saw  you  last  at  Orange 
Valley.  You  have  also  a  list  of  debts  contracted  with  me, 
together  with  Ferguson's  receipt.  And  there  remained  a 
considerable  property  unsold,  besides  some  best  Madeira 
wine  which  he  had  shipped  for  London.  By  the  state  of  ac 
counts  which  I  sent  to  England  on  my  arrival  on  this  conti 
nent,  there  was  a  balance  due  to  me  from  the  ship  Betsy  of 
909/.  155.  3d.  sterling;  and  in  my  account  with  Robert 
Young,  Esq.,  29th  January,  1773,  there  appeared  a  balance 
in  my  favour  of  281/.  Is.  8d.  sterling.  These 'sums  exceed 
my  drafts  and  just  debts  together ;  so  that,  if  I  am  fairly  dealt 
with,  I  ought  to  receive  a  considerable  remittance  from  that 
3 


26  LETTER  TO  MR.  MAWEY. 

quarter.  You  will  please  to  observe,  that  there  were  nine 
pieces  of  coarse  camblets  shipped  at  Cork,  over  and  above  the 
quantity  expressed  in  the  bill  of  lading.  It  seems  the  ship 
pers,  finding  their  mistake,  applied  for  their  goods ;  and,  as  I 
have  been  informed  from  Grenada,  Mr.  Ferguson  laid  hold 
of  this  opportunity  to  propagate  a  report  that  all  the  goods 
which  I  put  into  his  hands  were  the  property  of  that  house  in 
Cork.  If  this  base  suggestion  hath  gained  belief,  it  accounts 
for  all  the  neglect  which  I  have  experienced.  But  however 
my  connexions  are  changed,  my  principles  as  an  honest  man 
of  candour  and  integrity  are  the  same  ;  therefore,  should  there 
not  be  a  sufficiency  of  my  property  in  England  to  answer  my 
just  debts,  I  declare  that  it  is  my  first  wish  to  make  up  such 
deficiency  from  my  property  in  Tobago ;  and  were  even  that 
also  to  fall  short,  I  am  ready  and  willing  to  make  full  and 
ample  remittances  from  hence  upon  hearing  from  you  the  true 
state  of  my  affairs.  As  I  hope  my  dear  mother  is  still  alive, 
I  must  inform  you  that  I  wish  my  property  in  Tobago,  or  in 
England,  after  paying  my  just  debts,  to  be  applied  for  her 
support.  Your  own  feelings,  my  dear  sir,  make  it  unneces 
sary  for  me  to  use  arguments  to  prevail  with  you  on  this 
tender  point.  Any  remittances  which  you  may  be  enabled 
to  make  through  the  hands  of  my  good  friend  Captain  John 
Plainer  of  Cork,  will  be  faithfully  put  into  her  hands ;  she  hath 
several  orphan  grandchildren  to  provide  for.  I  have  made 
no  apology  for  giving  you  this  trouble :  My  situation  will,  I 
trust,  obtain  your  free  pardon. 

I  am  always,  with  perfect  esteem, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  very  obliged,  very  obedient, 
And  most  humble  servant, 

*'  J.  PAUL  JONES. 

"  STUART  MAWEV,  Esquire, 
Tobago." 


APPOINTED  SENIOR  LIEUTENANT.  27 

Among  the  friends  whose  fortunes  Jones  conceived  himself 
bound  to  follow  by  gratitude  as  well  as  honour,  was  probably 
Mr.  Joseph  Hewes  of  the  Marine  Commitee  of  the  infant 
Republic.  Under  the  united  influence  of  so  many  powerful 
motives  he  entered  the  American  service. 

Though  Paul  Jones  had  not  received  his  maritime  educa 
tion  in  ships  of  war,  he  had  frequently  sailed  in  armed  vessels 
and  had  been  early  trained  into  an  excellent  practical  seaman, 
completely  realizing  the  merchant  sailor's  adage,  "  Aft  the 
more  honour — forward  the  better  man."  His  nautical  skill, 
as  well  as  his  boldness  and  capacity,  were  thus  of  incalculable 
value  to  the  infant  navy  of  America;  and  in  1775,  when  the 
combustibles  of  revolution,  so  long  smouldering,  burst  into  an 
open  irrepressible  flame,  his  services  were  as  readily  accepted 
as  they  were  heartily  tendered.  From  this  date  Paul  Jones 
owned  no  country  save  America. 

In  organizing  the  maritime  service  of  the  young  Republic, 
three  classes  of  lieutenants  were  appointed  by  Congress;  and  of 
the  first  class  Jones  was  appointed  senior  lieutenant.  The  first 
commission  he  received  from  Congress  bears  date  the  7th  of 
December,  1775.  He  was  appointed  to  the  ALFRED,  a  name 
of  good  omen  to  an  infant  state  sprung  from  England  ;  and  on 
board  of  that  vessel,  then  lying  before  Philadelphia,  he,  in  a 
few  days  afterwards,  first  hoisted  that  starry  flag  which  he  so 
bravely  followed  in  many  seas. 

The  American  navy  at  this  time  consisted  of  only  two  ships, 
two  brigantines,  and  one  sloop.  Even  these  it  was  not  easy 
to  officer  with  persons  properly  qualified.  Thirteen  frigates 
were,  however,  about  the  same  time  ordered  to  be  built. 

Of  this  first  period  of  his  service  three  different  accounts, 
drawn  up  by  himself,  remain  among  the  papers  of  Captain 
Jones, — one  contained  in  a  refreshing  memorial  addressed  to 
Congress  while  he  lay  in  the  Texel,  dated  December,  1779, 
• — another  addressed  to  Robert  Morris,  the  minister  of  the 
marine,  in  1783,  when  Jones  had  just  reason  to  think  his 


JONES'S  JOURNAL. 


Hoisting  the  American  Flag. 


former  services  neglected,  if  not  forgotten, — and  a  third  in  a 
journal  of  his  campaigns  drawn  up  for  the  private  information 
of  the  King  of  France,  and  read  by  that  unfortunate  prince 
while  a  close  prisoner.  This  last  document  contains  the 
following  clear  and  succinct  account  of  his  early  operations, 
written  in  the  third  person  : — 

"  When  Congress  thought  fit  to  equip  a  naval  force  towards 
the  conclusion  of  the  year  1775,  'for  the  defence  of  American 
liberty,  and  for  repelling  every  hostile  invasion  thereof,'  it  was 
a  very  difficult  matter  to  find  men  fitly  qualified  for  officers, 
and  willing  to  embark  in  the  ships  and  vessels  that  were  then 
put  into  commission.  The  American  navy  at  first  was  no 
more  than  the  ships  Alfred  and  Columbus,  the  brigantines 
Andrew  Doria,  and  Cabot,  and  the  sloop  Providence.  A 
commander-in-chief  of  the  fleet  was  appointed ;  and  Cap 
tains  Saltonstall,  Whippie,  Biddle,  and  Hopkins,  were  named 


HOISTS  THE  AMERICAN  FLAG.  29 

for  the  ships  and  brigantines.  A  captain's  commission  for  the 
Providence,  (bought,  or  to  be  bought,  about  the  time,  from 
Captain  Whipple,)  which  Mr.  Joseph  Hewes  of  the  Marine 
Committee  offered  to  his  friend  Mr.  John  Paul  Jones,  was  not 
accepted,  because  Mr.  Jones  had  never  sailed  in  a  sloop,  and 
had  then  no  idea  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  that  took 
place  the  next  year.  It  was  his  early  \vish  to  do  his  best  for 
the  cause  of  America,  which  he  considered  as  the  cause  of 
human  nature.  He  cou>jd  have  no  object  of  self-interest ;  and 
having  then  no  prospect  that  the  American  navy  would  soon 
become  an  established  service,  that  rank  was  the  most  ac 
ceptable  to  him  by  winch  he  could  be  the  most  useful  in  that 
moment  of  public  calamity.  There  were  three  classes  of 
lieutenants  appointed,  and  Mr.  Jones  was  appointed  the  first 
of  the  first-lieutenants,  which  placed  him  next  in  command 
to  the  four  captains  already  mentioned.  This  commission  is 
dated  the  7th  day  of  December,  1775,  as  first-lieutenant  of 
the  Alfred.  On  board  of  that  ship,  before  Philadelphia,  Mr. 
Jones  hoisted  the  flag  of  America  with  his  own  hands,  the 
first  time  it  wTas  ever  displayed.  All  the  commissions  for  the 
Alfred  were  dated  before  the  commissions  for  the  Columbus, 
&c.  All  the  time  this  little  squadron  was  fitting  and  man 
ning,  Mr.  Jones  superintended  the  affairs  of  the  Alfred  ;  and 
as  Captain  Saltonstall  did  not  appear  at  Philadelphia,  the 
commander-in-chief  told  Mr.  Jones  he  should  command  that 
ship.  A  day  or  two  before  the  squadron  sailed  from  Phila 
delphia,  manned  and  fit  for  sea,  Captain  Saltonstall  appeared, 
and  took  command  of  the  Alfred.  The  object  of  the  first  ex 
pedition  wras  against  Lord  Duncan,  in  Virginia.  But  instead 
of  proceeding  immediately  on  that  service,  the  squadron  wras 
hauled  to  the  wharfs  at  Reedy  Island,  and  lay  there  for  six 
weeks  frozen  up.  Here  Mr.  Jones  and  the  other  lieutenants 
stood  the  deck,  watch  and  watch,  night  and  day,  to  prevent 
desertion :  and  they  lost  no  man  from  the  Alfred.  On  the 
17th  of  February,  1776,  the  squadron  sailed  from  the  bay  of 
3*  • 


30 


SAILING  OF  THE  SQUADRON. 


Sailing  of  the  Sqiuulron. 


Delaware.  On  the  first  of  March  the  squadron  anchored  at 
Abaco,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  and  carried  in  there  two 
sloops  belonging  to  New  Providence.  Some  persons  on  board 
the  sloops,  informed  that  a  quantity  of  powder  and  warlike 
stores  might  be  taken  in  the  forts  of  New  Providence.  An 
expedition  was  determined  on  against  that  island.  It  was 
resolved  to  embark  the  marines  on  board  the  two  sloops. 
They  were  to  remain  below  deck  until  the  sloops  had  an 
chored  in  the  harbour  close  to  the  forts,  and  they  were  then 
to  land  and  take  possession.  There  was  not  a  single  soldier 
in  the  island  to  oppose  them ;  therefore  the  plan  would  have 
succeeded,  and  not  only  the  public  stores  might  have  been 
secured,  but  a  considerable  contribution  might  have  been  ob 
tained  as  a  ransom  for  the  town  and  island,  had  not  the  whole 
squadron  appeared  off  the  harbour  in  the  morning,  instead  of 
remaining  out  of  sight  till  after  the  sloops  had  entered  and 
the  marines  secured  the  forts.  On  the  appearance  of  the 
squadron  the  signal  of  alarm  was  fired,  so  that  it  was  impos- 


THE  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION.  31 

siblo  to  think  of  crossing  the  bar.  The  commander  -in-chief 
proposed  to  go  round  the  west  end  of  the  island,  and  endea 
vour  to  march  the  marines  up  and  get  behind  the  town ;  but 
this  could  never  have  been  effected.  The  islanders  would 
have  had  time  to  collect ;  there  was  no  fit  anchorage  for  the 
squadron,  nor  road  from  that  part  of  the  island  to  the  town. 
Mr.  Jones  finding  by  the  Providence  pilots  that  the  squadron 
might  anchor  under  a  key  three  leagues  to  windward  of  the 
harbotfr,  gave  this  account  to  the  commander-in-chief,  who 
objecting  to  the  dependence  on  the  pilots,  Mr.  Jones  under 
took  to  carry  the  Alfred  safe  in.  He  took  the  pilot  with  him 
to  the  foretopmast  head,  from  wThence  they  could  clearly  see 
every  danger,  and  the  squadron  anchored  safe.  The  marines, 
with  two  vessels  to  cover  their  landing,  were  immediately 
sent  in  by  the  east  passage.  The  commander-in-chief  pro 
mised  to  touch  no  private  property.  The  inhabitants  aban 
doned  the  forts,  and  the  governor,  finding  he  must  surrender 
the  island,  embarked  all  the  powder  in  two  vessels,  and  sent 
them  away  in  the  night.  This  was  foreseen,  and  might  have 
been  prevented,  by  sending  the  two  brigantines  to  lie  off  the 
bar.  The  squadron  entered  the  harbour  of  New  Providence, 
and  sailed  from  thence  the  17th  of  March,  having  embarked 
the  cannon,  &c.,  that  \vas  found  in  the  fort.  In  the  night  of 
the  9th  of  April,  on  the  return  of  the  squadron  from  the  Pro 
vidence  expedition,  the  American  arms  by  sea  were  first  tried 
in  the  affair  with  the  Glasgow,  off  Block  Island.  Both  the 
Alfred  and  Columbus  mounted  two  batteries.  The  Alfred 
mounted  30,  the  Columbus  28  guns.  The  first  battery  was  so 
near  the  water  as  to  be  fit  for  nothing  except  in  a  harbour  or 
a  very  smooth  sea.  The  sea  was  at  the  time  perfectly  smooth. 
Mr.  Jones  was  stationed  below  deck  to  command  the  Alfred's 
first  battery,  which  was  well  served  whenever  the  guns  could 
be  brought  to  bear  on  the  enemy,  as  appears  by  the  official 
letter  of  the  commander-in-chief  giving  an  account  of  that 
action.  Mr.  Jones  therefore  did  his  duty;  and  as  he  had  no 


32  COMMANDS  THE  PROVIDENCE. 

direction  whatever,  either  of  the  general  disposition  of  the 
squadron,  or  the  sails  and  helm  of  the  Alfred,  he  can  stand 
charged  \vith  no  part  of  the  disgrace  of  that  night.  The 
squadron  steered  directly  for  New  London,  and  entered  that 
port  two  days  after  the  action.  Here  General  Washington 
lent  the  squadron  200  men.  as  was  thought,  for  some  enter 
prise.  The  squadron,  however,  stole  quietly  round  to  Rhode 
Island,  and  up  the  river  to  Providence.  Here  a  court-martial 
was  held  for  the  trial  of  Captain  Whipple,  for  not  assisting  in 
the  action  with  the  Glasgow,  Another  court-martial  was 
held  for  the  trial  of  Captain  Hazard,  who  had  been  appointed 
captain  of  the  sloop  Providence  at  Philadelphia,  some  time 
after  Mr.  Jones  had  refused  that  command.  Captain  Hazard 
was  broke,  and  rendered  incapable  of  serving  in  the  navy. 
The  next  day,  the  10th  of  May,  1770,  Mr.  Jones  was  ordered 
by  the  commander-in-chief  to  take  command  '  as  captain  of 
the  Providence.'  This  proves  that  Mr.  Jones  did  his  duty 
on  the  Providence  expedition.  As  the  commander-in-chief 
had  in  his  hands  no  blank-commission,  he  had  this  appoint 
ment  written  on  the  back  of  the  commission^  that  Mr.  Jones 
had  received  at  Philadelphia,  the  7th  of  December,  3775. 
Captain  Jones  had  orders  to  receive  on  board  the  Providence 
the  soldiers  that  had  been  borrowed  from  General  Washing 
ton,  and  carry  them  to  New  York, — there  enlist  as  many 
seamen  as  he  could,  and  then  return  to  New  London,  to  take 
in  from  the  hospital  all  the  seamen  that  had  been  left  there 
by  the  squadron,  and  were  recovered,  and  carry  them  to 
Providence.  Captain  Jones  soon  performed  these  services ; 
and  having  hove  down  the  sloop  and  partly  fitted  her  for  wTar 
at  Providence,  he  received  orders  from  the  commander-in- 
chief,  dated  Rhode  Island,  June  10th,  1776,  to  come  imme 
diately  down  to  take  a  sloop  then  in  sight,  armed  for  war, 
belonging  to  the  enemy's  navy.  Captain  Jones  obeyed  orders 
with  alacrity;  but  the  enemy  had  disappeared  before  he 
reached  Newport,  On  the  13th  of  June,  1776,  Captain  Jones 


CRUISE  OF  TilK  FROVIDKNCK.  a;i 

received  orders,  dated  thai  day  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
from  the  commander-in-chief,  to  proceed  to  Newbury  Port  to 
take  under  convoy  some  vessels  bound  for  Philadelphia ;  but 
first  to  convoy  Lieutenant  Hacker  in  the  Fly,  with  a  cargo 
of  cannon,  into  the  sound  for  New  York,  and  to  convoy  some 
vessels  back  from  Stonington  to  the  entrance  of  Newport. 
In  performing  these  last  services,  Captain  Jones  found  great 
difficulty  from  the  enemy's  frigates,  then  cruising  round 
Block  Island,  with  which  he  had  several  rencontres ;  in  one 
of  which  he  saved  a  brigantine  that  was  a  stranger,  from 
Hispaniola,  closely  pursued  by  the  Cerberus,  and  laden  with 
public  stores.  That  brigantine  was  afterwards  purchased  by 
the  Continent,  and  called  the  Hampden.  Captain  Jones  re 
ceived  orders  from  the  commander-in-chief  to  proceed  for 
Boston  instead  of  Newbury  Port.  At  Boston  he  was  detained 
a  considerable  time  by  the  backwardness  of  the  agent.  He 
arrived  with  his  convoy  from  Boston,  safe  in  the  Delaware, 
the  1st  of  August,  1776.  This  service  was  performed  while 
the  enemy  were  arriving  at  Sandy  Hook  from  Halifax  and 
England,  and  Captain  Jones  saw  several  of  their  ships  of 
war. 

"Captain  Jones  received  a  captain's  commission  from  the 
President  of  Congress,  the  8th  of  August.  It  was  pro 
posed  to  Captain  Jones  by  the  Marine  Committee  to  go  to 
Connecticut,  to  command  the  brigantine  Hampden ;  but  he 
choosing  rather  to  remain  in  the  sloop  Providence,  had  orders 
to  go  out  on  a  cruise  against  the  enemy  'for  six  weeks,  (or) 
two  or  three  months.'  He  was  not  limited  to  any  particular 
station  or  service.  He  left  the  Delaware  on  the  21st  of 
August,  and  arrived  at  Rhode  Island  on  the  7th  of  October, 
1776. 

"Captain  Jones  had  only  70  men  when  he  sailed  from  the 
Delaware,  and  the  Providence  mounted  only  12  four-pounders. 
Near  the  latitude  of  Bermudas  he  had  a  very  narrow  escape 
from  the  enemy's  frigate  the  Solebav,  after  a  chase  of  six 


ACTION  WITH  THE  MILFORD. 


Escape  from  the  Solebay. 


hours  within  cannon-shot,  and  part  of  that  time  within  pistol- 
shot.  Afterwards,  near  the  Isle  of  Sable,  Captain  Jones  had 
an  affair  with  the  enemy's  frigate  the  Milford ;  and  the  firing 
between  them  lasted  from  ten  in  the  morning  till  after  sunset. 


Action  with  the  Milford. 


The  day  after  this  rencontre,  Captain  Jones  entered  the 
harbour  of  Canso,  where  he  recruited  several  men,  took  the 
Tories'  flags,  destroyed  the  fishing,  &c.,  and  sailed  again  the 
next  morning  on  an  expedition  against  the  Island  of  Madame. 
He  made  two  descents  on  the  principal  forts  of  that  island  at 


WRECK  OF  THE   HAMPDEN.  35 

the  same  time ;  surprised  all  their  shipping,  though  the  place 
abounded  with  men,  and  they  had  arms.  All  this,  from  the 
Delaware  to  Rhode  Island,  was  performed  in  six  weeks  and 
five  days ;  in  which  time  Captain  Jones  made  sixteen  prizes, 
besides  small  craft.  He  manned  eight  of  them,  and  sunk, 
burnt,  or  destroyed  the  rest.  The  commander-in-chief  was 
at  Rhode  Island,  who,  in  consequence  of  the  information 
given  him  by  Captain  Jones,  adopted  an  expedition  against 
the  coal-fleet  of  Cape  Breton  and  the  fishery,  as  well  as  to 
relieve  a  number  of  Americans  from  the  coal-mines,  where 
they  were  compelled  to  labour  by  the  enemy.  The  Alfred 
had  remained  idle  ever  since  the  Providence  expedition,  and 
was  without  men.  It  was  proposed  to  employ  that  ship,  the 
brigantine  Hampden,  and  sloop  Providence,  on  this  expedition, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Jones,  who  had  orders  given 
him  for  that  purpose  on  the  22d  October,  1776,  and  then  re 
moved  from  the  sloop  Providence  to  the  ship  Alfred.  Find 
ing  he  could  not  enlist  a  sufficient  number  of  men  for  the 
three  sail  before  the  season  would  be  lost,  Captain  Jones  de- 


Wrcck  of  the  Hampden. 


termined  to  leave  the  sloop  Providence  behind ;  but  Captain 
Hacker  ran  the  Hampden  upon  a  ledge  of  rocks  on  the  27th, 
and  knocked  off  her  keel,  which  obliged  Captain  Jones  to  re- 


36  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  CAPE  BRETON. 

move  him  into  the  sloop  Providence.  The  Alfred  and  Pro 
vidence  sailed  on  this  expedition  the  2d  of  November, 
Captain  Jones  having  only  140  men  on  his  muster-roll  for  the 
Alfred,  though  that  ship  had  235  men  when  she  left  the 
Delaware.  Captain  Jones  anchored  for  the  night  at  Tar- 
pawling  Cove,  near  Nantucket,  and,  finding  there  a  privateer 
schooner  belonging  to  Rhode  Island  inward-bound,  he  sent 
his  boat  to  search  for  deserters  from  the  navy,  and  finding 
four  deserters  carefully  concealed  on  board,  they  were  taken 
on  board  the  Alfred,  with  a  few  other  seamen,  agreeably  to 
orders  from  the  commander-in-chief.  The  concerned  in  the 
privateer  brought  an  action  against  Captain  Jones  for  10,0007. 
damages,  and  the  commander-in-chief  had  the  politeness  not. 
to  support  him.  Captain  Jones  proceeded  on  his  expedition. 
Off  Louisbourg  he  took  a  brig  with  a  rich  cargo  of  dry  goods, 
a  snow  with  a  cargo  of  fish,  and  a  ship  called  the  Mellish, 
bound  for  Canada,  armed  for  war,  and  laden  with  soldiers' 
clothing.  The  day  after  taking  these  prizes  (the  18th)  the 
snow  fell,  and  the  wind  blew  fresh  off  Cape  Breton.  To 
prevent  separation,  and  not  from  the  violence  of  the  weather, 
Captain  Jones  made  the  signal  to  lay  to,  which  was  obeyed ; 
but  as  soon  as  the  night  began,  Captain  Hacker  bore  away. 
He  made  shift  to  arrive  at  Rhode  Island  a  day  or  two  before 
the  place  was  taken  by  the  enemy.  Captain  Jones  ordered 
the  brigantine  and  snow  to  steer  for  our  ports  ;  but  determined 
not  to  lose  sight  of  the  Mellish,  unless  in  case  of  necessity. 
Captain  Jones,  after  that  little  gale  and  contrary  winds,  fell 
in  with  Canso,  and  sent  his  boats  in  to  destroy  a  fine  trans 
port  that  lay  aground  in  the  entrance,  laden  with  Irish  provi 
sion.  The  party  burnt  also  the  oil-warehouse,  and  destroyed 
the  materials  for  the  fishery.  Off  Louisbourg,  on  the  24th, 
he  took  three  fine  ships  out  of  five,  the  coal-fleet,  then  bound 
for  New  York,  under  the  command  of  the  Flora,  that  would 
have  been  in  sight  had  the  fog  been  dispersed.  Two  days 
after  this,  Captain  Jones  took  a  letter-of-marque  ship  from 


(38) 


ARRIVAL  AT  BOSTON.  39 

Liverpool.  He  had  now  a  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  on 
board  the  Alfred,  and  a  great  part  of  his  water  and  provision 
was  consumed.  He  found  the  harbour  at  the  coal-mines  was 
frozen  up,  and  necessity  obliged  him  to  seek  a  hospitable  port 
with  the  five  prize-ships  under  convoy.  No  separation  took 
place  till  the  7th  of  December,  on  the  edge  of  St.  George's 
Bank,  where  Captain  Jones  again  fell  in  with  the  Milford 
frigate.  Captain  Jones  had  the  address  to  save  all  his  prizes 
except  one,  (the  letter-of-marque  from  Liverpool,)  and  that  one 
would  not  have  been  taken,  had  not  the  prize-master  foolishly 
run  down  under  the  Milford's  lee,  from  being  three  leagues 
to  windward.  The  Mellish  arrived  safe  with  the  clothing  at 
Dartmouth,  and  Captain  Jones  arrived  at  Boston  the  15th 
December,  1776,  having  only  two  days'  water  and  provision 
left.  The  news  of  the  clothing  reached  General  Washing 
ton's  army  just  before  he  recrossed  the  Delaware.  By  a 
letter  from  the  commander-in-chief,  on  board  the  Warren,  at 
Providence,  January  the  14th,  1777,  Captain  Jones  was  su 
perseded  in  the  command  of  the  Alfred,  in  favour  of  Captain 
Hinman,  who  said  he  brought  a  commission  from  Congress 
to  supersede  that  of  Captain  Jones.  The  21st  of  January, 
1777,  this  drew  from  Captain  Jones  a  letter  to  the  Marine 
Committee,  stating  his  hopes  that  Congress  would  not  so  far 
overlook  his  early  and  faithful  services  as  to  supersede  him 
by  any  man  who  was  at  first  his  junior  officer,  far  less  by 
any  man  who  declined  to  serve  in  the  Alfred,  &c.,  at  the  be 
ginning.  Captain  Jones  paid  off  the  crews  of  the  Alfred  and 
Providence,  for  which  he  has  never  been  reimbursed.  On 
the  18th  of  February,  Captain  Jones  received  an  appointment 
by  order  of  Congress  from  the  Vice-President  of  the  Marine 
Committee,  dated  Philadelphia,  February  the  5th,  1777,  to 
command  private  expeditions  against  Pensacola  and  other 
places,  with  the  Alfred,  Columbus,  Cabot,  Hampden,  and 
sloop  Providence.  Many  important  schemes  were  pointed 
out ;  but  Captain  Jones  was  left  at  free  liberty  to  adopt  what- 


40  LETTER  OF  EXPOSTULATION. 

ever  he  thought  best.  This  appointment  fell  to  nothing ;  for 
the  commander-in-chief  would  not  assist  Captain  Jones,  but 
affected  to  disbelieve  his  appointment.  Captain  Jones  under 
took  a  journey  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia,  in  order  to  ex 
plain  matters  to  Congress  in  person-" 

This  attempt  to  supersede  him  was  the  first  occasion  on 
which  Jones  decidedly  showed  the  firmness  and  tenacity  of 
his  character,  and  his  determination  to  assert  his  rights. 
Even  then,  unknown  and  unfriended,  he  was  quite  equal  to 
their  protection, 

The  remainder  of  this  statement  is  more  copiously  and 
energetically  given  in  the  letter  referred  to  in  the  prefixed  ex 
tract,  as  addressed  by  Him  to  the  Marine  Board,  Philadelphia. 
It  will  show  the  neglect  and  heart-burning  to  which  this  brave 
man  was  exposed  from  the  first  hour  of  his  entering  the 
American  navy.  Three-fourths  of  his  subsequent  life  was  a 
struggle  to  overcome  the  prejudices,  defeat  the  cabals,  or 
quicken  the  tardy  justice  of  his  temporary  official  superiors. 

"  I  am  now  to  inform  you,  that  by  a  letter  from  Commo 
dore  Hopkins,  dated  on  board  the  Warren,  January  14th, 
1777,  which  came  to  my  hands  a  day  or  two  ago,  I  am 
superseded  in  the  command  of  the  Alfred,  in  favour  of  Cap 
tain  Hinman,  and  ordered  back  to  the  sloop  in  Providence 
river.  Whether  this  order  doth  or  doth  not  supersede  also 
your  orders  to  me  of  the  10th  ult.,  you  can  best  determine ; 
however,  as  I  undertook  the  late  expedition  at  his  (Commo 
dore  Hopkins's)  request,  from  a  principle  of  humanity,  I 
mean  not  now  to  make  a  difficulty  about  trifles,  especially 
when  the  good  of  the  service  is  to  be  consulted.  As  I  am 
unconscious  of  any  neglect  of  duty,  or  misconduct,  since  my 
appointment  at  the  first  as  eldest  lieutenant  of  the  navy,  I 
cannot  suppose  that  you  can  have  intended  to  set  me  aside, 
in  favour  of  any  man  who  did  not  at  that  time  bear  a  cap 
tain's  commission,  unless,  indeed,  that  man,  by  exerting  his 
superior  abilities,  hath  rendered,  or  can  render,  more  impor- 


LETTER  OF  EXPOSTULATION.  41 

tant  services  to  America.  Those  who  stepped  forth  at  the 
first,  in  ships  altogether  unfit  for  war,  were  generally  con 
sidered  rather  as  frantic  than  as  wise  men ;  for  it  must  be 
remembered,  that  almost  everything  then  made  against  them. 
And  although  the  success  in  the  affair  with  the  Glasgow  was 
not  equal  to  what  it  might  have  been,  yet  the  blame  ought 
not  to  be  general.  The  principal  or  principals  in  command 
alone  are  culpable ;  and  the  other  officers,  while  they  stand 
unimpeached,  have  their  full  merit.  There  were,  it  is  true, 
divers  persons,  from  misrepresentation,  put  into  commission 
at  the  beginning,  without  fit  qualification,  and  perhaps  the 
number  may  have  been  increased  by  later  appointments ;  but 
it  follows  not  that  the  gentleman  or  rtian  of  merit  should  be 
neglected  or  overlooked  on  their  account.  None  other  than 
a  gentleman,  as  well  as  a  seaman  both  in  theory  and  practice, 
is  qualified  to  support  the  character  of  a  commission  officer 
in  the  navy ;  nor  is  any  man  fit  to  command  a  ship  of  war 
who  is  not  also  capable  of  communicating  his  ideas  on  paper, 
in  language  that  becomes  his  rank.  If  this  be  admitted,  the 
foregoing  operations  will  be  sufficiently  clear ;  but  if  further 
proof  is  required  it  can  easily  be  produced. 

"  When  I  entered  into  the  service,  I  was  not  actuated  by 
motives  of  self-interest.  I  stept  forth  as  a  free  citizen  of  the 
world,  in  defence  of  the  violated  rights  of  mankind,  and  not 
in  search  of  riches,  whereof,  I  thank  God,  I  inherit  a  suffi 
ciency;  but  I  should  prove  my  degeneracy  were  I  not  in  the 
highest  degree  tenacious  of  my  rank  and  seniority.  As  a 
gentleman,  I  can  yield  this  point  up  only  to  persons  of  supe 
rior  abilities  and  superior  merit ;  and  under  such  persons  it 
would  be  my  highest  ambition  to  learn.  As  this  is  the  first 
time  of  my  having  expressed  the  least  anxiety  on  my  own 
account,  I  must  entreat  your  patience  until  I  account  to  you 
for  the  reason  which  hath  given  me  this  freedom  of  senti 
ment.  It  seems  that  Captain  Hinman's  commission  is  No.  1, 
and  that,  in  consequence,  he  who  was  at  first  my  junior 
4* 


42  MEMORIAL  TO  CONGRESS. 

officer  by  eight,  hath  expressed  himself  as  my  senior  officer  in 
a  manner  which  doth  himself  no  honour,  and  which  doth  me 
signal  injury.  There  are  also  in  the  navy,  persons  who  have 
not  shown  me  fair  play  after  the  service  I  have  rendered 
them.  I  have  even  been  blamed  for  the  civilities  which  I 
have  shown  to  my  prisoners  ;  at  the  request  of  one  of  whom 
I  herein  enclose  an  appeal,  which  I  must  beg  leave  to  lay 
before  Congress,  Could  you  see  the  appellant's  accomplished 
lady,  and  the  innocents  their  children,  arguments  in  their 
behalf  would  be  unnecessary.  As  the  base-minded  only  are 
capable  of  inconsistencies,  you  will  not  blame  my  free  soul, 
which  can  never  stoop  where  I  cannot  also  esteem.  Could 
I,  which  I  never  can,  bear  to  be  superseded,  I  should  indeed 
deserve  your  contempt  and  total  neglect.  I  am,  therefore,  to 
entreat  you  to  employ  me  in  the  most  enterprising  and  active 
service, — accountable  to  your  honourable  board  only,  for  my 
conduct,  and  connected  as  much  as  possible  with  gentlemen 
and  men  of  good  sense." 

"  My  conduct  hitherto,"  he  says,  in  the  memorial  ad 
dressed  to  Congress  from  the  Texel,  "  was  so  much  approv 
ed  of  by  Congress,  that  on  the  5th  February,  1777,  I  was 
appointed,  with  unlimited  orders,  to  command  a  little  squadron 
of  the  Alfred,  Columbus,  Cabot,  Hampden,  and  sloop  Provi 
dence.  Various  important  services  were  pointed  out,  but  I 
was  left  at  free  liberty  to  make  my  election.  That  service, 
however,  did  not  take  place ;  for  the  commodore,  who  had 
three  of  the  squadron  blocked  in  at  Providence,  affected  to 
disbelieve  my  appointment,  and  would  not  at  last  give  me 
the  necessary  assistance.  Finding  that  he  trifled  with  my 
applications  as  well  as  the  orders  of  Congress,  I  undertook 
a  journey  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia,  in  order  to  explain 
matters  to  Congress  in  person.  I  took  this  step  also,  because 
Captain  Hinman  had  succeeded  me  in  the  command  of  the 
Alfred,  and,  of  course,  the  service  could  not  suffer  through 
my  absence.  I  arrived  at  Philadelphia  in  the  beginning  of 


HIS  VIEWS  OF  MARITIME  POLICY.  43 

April.  But  what  was  my  surprise  to  find,  that,  by  a  new 
line  of  navy-rank,  which  had  taken  place  on  the  10th  day  of 
October,  1776,  all  the  officers  that  had  stepped  forth  at  the 
beginning  were  superseded !  I  was  myself  superseded  by 
thirteen  men,  not  one  of  whom  did  (and  perhaps  some  of 
them  durst  not)  take  the  sea  against  the  British  flag  at  the 
first ;  for  several  of  them  who  were  then  applied  to  refused 
to  venture, — and  none  of  them  have  since  been  very  happy 
in  proving  their  superior  abilities.  Among  these  thirteen 
there  are  individuals  who  can  neither  pretend  to  parts  nor 
education,  and  with  whom,  as  a  private  gentleman,  I  would 
disdain  to  associate. 

"  I  leave  your  excellency  and  the  Congress  to  judge  how 
this  must  affect  a  man  of  honour  and  sensibility." 

In  the  organization  of  the  navy  Jones  took  a  paramount 
interest.  He  had  himself  been  trained  in  a  good  school. 
He  knew  the  importance  of  proper  subordination,  and  of  the 
strict  enforcement  of  a  rigid  system  of  discipline,  which, 
however  unpleasant  to  the  turbulent,  fierce  spirit  of  republi 
cans,  is  especially  indispensable  in  the  sea-service.  His 
views  of  maritime  policy  discover  much  soundness,  and, 
considering  that  he  was  still  a  young  man,  and  a  very  young 
officer,  very  great  ripeness  of  understanding.  "  As  the  regu 
lations  of  the  navy,"  he  says,  "  are  of  the  utmost  conse 
quence,  you  will  not  think  it  presumptive  if,  with  the  utmost 
diffidence,  I  venture  to  communicate  to  you  such  hints  as,  in 
my  judgment,  will  promote  its  honour  and  good  government. 
I  could  heartily  wish  that  every  commissioned  officer  were 
to  be  previously  examined ;  for,  to  rny  certain  knowledge, 
there  are  persons  who  have  already  crept  into  commission 
without  abilities  or  fit  qualifications : — I  am  myself  far  from 
desiring  to  be  excused."  In  other  letters  on  this  subject,  he 
eloquently  recommends  a  liberal  policy  towards  the  private 
seamen,  and  a  general  system  worthy  of  a  great  and  enlight 
ened  nation. 


44  HIS  VIEWS  OF  MARITIME  POLICY. 

"  It  is,"  he  says,  "  to  the  last  degree  distressing  to  con 
template  the  state  and  establishment  of  our  navy.  The 
common  class  of  mankind  are  actuated  by  no  nobler  prin 
ciple  than  that  of  self-interest.  This,  and  this  only,  deter 
mines  all  adventures  in  privateers, — the  owners,  as  well  as 
those  they  employ ;  and  while  this  is  the  case,  unless  the 
private  emolument  of  individuals  in  our  navy  is  made  supe 
rior  to  that  in  privateers,  it  never  can  become  respectable, — 
it  never  will  become  formidable ;  and,  without  a  respectable 
navy,  alas  America  ! — In  the  present  critical  situation  of 
human  affairs,  wisdom  can  suggest  no  more  than  one  infalli 
ble  expedient, — enlist  the  seamen  during  pleasure,  and  give 
them  all  the  prizes.  What  is  the  paltry  emolument  of  two- 
thirds  of  prizes  to  the  finances  of  this  vast  continent  ?  If  so 
poor  a  resource  is  essential  to  its  independency,  in  sober  sad 
ness  we  are  involved  in  a  woful  predicament,  and  our  ruin  is 
fast  approaching.  The  situation  of  America  is  new  in  the 
annals  of  mankind :  .her  affairs  cry  haste!  and  speed  must 
answer  them.  Trifles,  therefore,  ought  to  be  wholly  disre 
garded,  as  being,  in  the  old  vulgar  proverb,  «  penny  wise 
and  pound  foolish/  If  our  enemies,  with  the  best  established 
and  most  formidable  navy  in  the  universe,  have  found  it 
expedient  to  assign  all  prizes  to  the  captors,  how  much  more 
is'  such  policy  essential  to  our  infant  fleet  ?  But  I  need  use 
no  arguments  to  convince  you  of  the  necessity  of  making 
the  emoluments  of  our  navy  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  theirs. 
We  have  had  proof,  that  a  navy  may  be  officered  almost 
upon  any  terms,  but  we  are  not  so  sure  that  these  officers 
are  equal  to  their  commissions ;  nor  will  the  Congress  ever 
obtain  such  certainty  until  they,  in  their  wisdom,  see  proper 
to  appoint  a  Board  of  Admiralty,  competent  to  determine 
impartially  the  respective  merits  and  abilities  of  their  officers, 
and  to  superintend,  regulate,  and  point  out  all  the  motions 
and  operations  of  the  navy." 


EFFECT  OF  HIS  REMONSTRANCES.  45 

The  appearance  of  Jones  at  Congress  at  this  time,  his  ap 
peals  to  their  justice,  his  animated  remonstrances,  and  the 
capacity  displayed  in  the  hints  and  projects  he  threw  out, 
had  a  good  effect.  They  inspired  esteem  for  his  character, 
and  gave  confidence  in  his  ability.  This  became  apparent 
in  the  immediate  proceedings  of  that  body.  "  Congress,"  he 
says,  "  saw  fit  to  drop  the  expedition  that  had  been  proposed ; 
and  the  Marine  Committee  appeared  very  sorry  that  there 
was  not  then  vacant  a  good  ship  for  my  command.  Three 
ships  were  ordered  to  be  purchased  in  the  eastern  department, 
and  by  a  resolve  of  Congress,  which  did  me  great  honour,  I 
was  authorized  to  take  my  choice  of  these  three  ships,  '  until 
Congress  could  provide  for  me  a  better  command.5  I  returned 
to  Boston ;  and  before  this  last  plan  was  carried  into  execu 
tion,  I  received  a  new  and  honourable  proof  of  the  good 
opinion  of  Congress,  by  being  ordered,  on  the  9th  of  May, 
1777,  to  proceed  to  France  from  Portsmouth,  in  the  Am- 
phitrite,  with  a  positive  order  to  the  Commissioners  at  Paris 
*  to  invest  me  with  the  command  of  a  fine  ship,' — *  as  a  reward 
of  my  zeal  and  the  signal  services  I  had  performed  in  vessels 
of  little  force.'  This  was  generous  indeed !  and  I  shall  feel 
the  whole  force  of  the  obligation  to  the  last  moment  of 
my  life." 

The  letter  he  brought  to  Europe,  addressed  to  the  Com 
missioners  in  Paris,  confirms  the  sincerity  of  the  purpose  of 
Congress.  It  also  puts  to  rest — were  such  refutation  neces 
sary — the  charge  of  Jones  being  nothing  more  than  the  com 
mander  of  a  privateer,  winked  at,  or  perhaps  secretly  aided 
by  Congress,  but  never  recognized  as  a  regularly-appointed 
commander  in  the  American  service  during  his  cruises  on  the 
British  coasts. 


46  LETTER  FROM  CONGRESS. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  9th  May,  1777. 
"  HONOURABLE  GENTLEMEN, 

"  This  letter  is  intended  to  be  delivered  to  you  by  John 
Paul  Jones,  Esq.,  an  active  and  brave  commander  in  our 
navy,  who  has  already  performed  signal  services  in  vessels 
of  little  force  ;  and  in  reward  for  his  zeal  we  have  directed 
him  to  go  on  board  the  Amphitrite,  a  French  ship  of  twenty 
guns,  that  brought  in  a  valuable  cargo  of -stores  from  Mons. 
Hostalez  &  Co.,  and  with  her  to  repair  to  France.  He  takes 
with  him  his  commission,  some  officers  and  men,  so  that  we 
hope  he  will,  under  that  sanction,  make  some  good  prizes  with 
the  Amphitrite  ;  but  our  design  of  sending  him  is,  (with  the  ap 
probation  of  Congress,)  that  you  may  purchase  one  of  those 
fine  frigates  that  Mr.  Dean  writes  us  you  can  get,  and  invest 
him  with  the  command  thereof  as  soon  as  possible.  We 
hope  you  may  not  delay  this  business  one  moment,  but  pur 
chase,  in  such  port  or  place  in  Europe  as  it  can  be  done  with 
most  convenience  and  despatch,  a  fine  fast-sailing  frigate  or 
larger  ship.  Direct  Captain  Jones  where  he  must  repair  to, 
and  he  will  take  with  him  his  officers  and  men  towards  man 
ning  her.  You  will  assign  him  some  good  house  or  agent  to 
supply  him  with  everything  necessary  to  get  the  ship  speedily 
and  well  equipped  and  manned, — somebody  that  will  bestir 
themselves  vigorously  in  the  business,  and  never  quit  it  until 
it  is  accomplished. 

"  If  you  have  any  plan  or  service  to  be  performed  in  Europe 
by  such  a  ship,  that  you  think  will  be  more  for  the  interest 
and  honour  of  the  States  than  sending  her  out  directly,  Captain 
Jones  is  instructed  to  obey  your  orders ;  and,  to  save  repeti 
tion,  let  him  lay  before  you  the  instructions  we  have  given 
him,  and  furnish  you  'with  a  copy  thereof.  You  can  then 
judge  what  will  be  necessary  for  you  to  direct  him  in, — and 
whatever  you  do  will  be  approved,  as  it  will  undoubtedly 
tend  to  promote  the  public  service  of  this  country. 


INSTRUCTIONS  FROM  CONGRESS,  47 

"  You  see  by  this  step  how  much  dependence  Congress 
place  in  your  advices ;  and  you  must  make  it  a  point  not  to 
disappoint  Captain  Jones's  wishes  and  expectations  on  this 
occasion. 

"We  are,  &c. 
(Signed)  "  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

"  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 
"  WM.  WHIPPLE. 
"  PHIL.  LIVINGSTON. 

"  The  Honourable 

"  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
"  SILAS  DEANE,  and 
"ARTHUR  LEE,  Esquires, 

Commissioners,"  &c. 


In  Marine  Committee. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  May  9th,  1777. 
"JoHN  PAUL  JONES,  Esq. 

"  SIR, 

"  Congress  have  thought  proper  to  authorize  the  Secret 
Committee  to  employ  you  on  a  voyage  in  the  Amphitrite, 
from  Portsmouth  to  Carolina  and  France,  where  it  is  expected 
you  will  be  provided  with  a  fine  frigate ;  and  as  your  present 
commission  is  for  the  command  of  a  particular  ship,  we  now 
send  you  a  new  one,  whereby  you  are  appointed  a  captain 
in  our  navy,  and  of  course  may  command  any  ship  in  the 
service  to  which  you  are  particularly  ordered.  You  are 
to  obey  the  orders  of  the  Secret  Committee,  and  we  are, 
Sir,  &c. 

(Signed)  "  JOHN  HANCOCK. 

"  ROB.  MORRIS. 

«  WM.  WHIPPLE." 


48 


INSTRUCTIONS  FROM  CONGRESS. 


In  Marine  Committee. 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  September  6th,  1777. 
"  SIR, 

"  As  soon  as  these  instructions  get  to  hand,  you  are  to  make 
immediate  application  to  the  proper  persons  to  get  your  ves 
sel  victualled  and  fitted  for  sea  with  all  expedition.  When 
this  is  done,  you  are  to  proceed  on  a  voyage  to  some  conve 
nient  port  in  France ;  on  your  arrival  there,  apply  to  the  agent, 
if  any,  in  or  near  said  port,  for  such  supplies  as  you  may 
stand  in  need  of.  You  are  at  the  same  time  to  give  immedi 
ate  notice,  by  letter,  to  the  Honourable  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee,  Esquires,  or  any  of  them  at 
Paris,  of  your  arrival,  requesting  their  instructions  as  to  your 
further  destination ;  which  instructions  you  are  to  obey  as  far 
as  it  shall  be  in  your  power. 

"  You  are  to  take  particular  notice,  that  whilst  on  the  coast 
of  France,  or  in  a  French  port,  you  are,  as  much  as  you 
conveniently  can,  to  keep  your  guns  covered  and  concealed, 
and  to  make  as  little  warlike  appearance  as  possible.  Wish 
ing  you,"  &c.  &c. 

With  these  credentials  and  instructions,  Jones  sailed  for 
Europe  in  command  of  the  Ranger,  in  high  spirits,  expecting 
to  be  the  first  messenger  of  what  he  calls  "  the  joyful  and 
important  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender."  He  reached 
Nantes  early  in  December,  having  captured  two  brigantines 
on  the  voyage,  laden  with  fruit  and  wine. 


JONES  AND  THE  COMMISSIONERS.  49 


CHAPTER  III. 

T  must  be  owned  that  Captain 
Jones  at  no  time  slipped  any 
opportunity  of  bringing  him 
self  forward,  and  placing  his 
services  in  a  fair  light.  Though 
he  indeed  claimed  no  more 
ithan  was  his  due,  he  never, 
!  through  false  delicacy,  with 
drew  his  merits  into  the  shade. 
'*  It  is  civil  cowardice,"  says  the  Spectator's  modest  friend, 
Captain  Sentry,  "  to  be  backward  in  asserting  what  you 
ought  to  expect,  as  it  is  military  fear  to  be  slow  in  attacking 
when  it  is  your  duty."  His  first  act,  on  reaching  France, 
was  to  write  to  the  Commissioners,  to  whom  he  was  now  to 
look  for  orders,  and  also  for  patronage.  "  I  yesterday,"  he 
says,  "  enclosed  you  copies  of  two  letters  which  I  wrote  you 
previous  to  my  departure  from  Portsmouth,  together  with  a 
plan  which  I  drew  up  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  regulation  and 
equipment  of  our  infant  navy.  It  is  my  first  and  favourite 
wish  to  be  employed  in  active  and  enterprising  services, 
when  there  is  a  prospect  of  rendering  acceptable  services 
to  America.  The  singular  honour  which  Congress  have 
done  me  by  their  generous  acknowledgment  of  my  past  ser 
vices,  hath  inspired  me  with  sentiments  of  gratitude  which  I 
shall  carry  with  me  to  my  grave ;  and  if  a  life  of  services 
devoted  to  America  can  be  made  instrumental  in  securing  its 
independence,  I  shall  regard  the  continuance  of  such  appro 
bation  as  an  honour  far  superior  to  what  kings  even  could 
bestow." 
5 


50         PLAN  OF  OPERATIONS  DEFEATED. 

Captain  Jones  was  immediately  summoned  to  Paris  by  the 
commissioners  of  Congress,  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and 
Arthur  Lee.  They  had  not  yet  assumed  the  name  of  ple 
nipotentiaries,  nor  was  war  declared  between  Great  Britain 
and  France ;  for  though  these  countries  were  in  a  state  of 
understood,  if  not  avowed,  hostility,  in  his  private  orders 
from  the  marine  committee  of  Congress,  Jones  was  directed 
to  keep  his  guns  covered  and  concealed  as  much  as  possible 
while  on  the  coasts  or  in  the  ports  of  France,  and  as  much 
as  possible  to  avoid  a  warlike  appearance.  The  object  of 
summoning  him  to  Paris  was  to  concert,  in  conjunction  writh 
the  commissioners,  a  plan  of  operations  for  the  powerful 
maritime  force  under  the  command  of  the  Count  d'Estaing, 
which — a  treaty  being  now  concluded  between  France  and 
the  new  states — was  destined  to  harass  the  British,  and  sup 
port  the  cause  of  the  republic  on  the  shores  of  America. 

The  bold  and  sagacious  plan  of  that  campaign,  which, 
if  carried  into  effect  as  projected,  must,  in  all  probability,  at 
once  have  ended  the  war,  Jones  repeatedly  and  openly  claims 
the  merit  of  having  formed  ;*  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
his  knowledge  of  the  actual  state  of  the  British  land  and  naval 
force  then  acting  in  America,  and  his  practical  nautical  ac 
quaintance  with  the  scene  of  operation,  enabled  him  to  give 
most  important  advice.  Those  delays,  and  the  baffling  cir 
cumstances  to  which  naval  armaments  are  ever  exposed, 
together,  as  has  been  alleged,  with  the  timidity  or  irresolution 
of  the  French  Commander,  the  promptitude  and  courage  dis 
played  by  Lord  Howe,  and  the  excellent  spirit  of  the  whole 
British  fleet  on  that  memorable  occasion,  disconcerted  this 
well-imagined  scheme.  In  claiming  the  plan  of  that  expedi 
tion,  Jones  says,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  French  Minister 

*  In  the  memorial  to  the  King  of  France,  Jones  states  that  the  plan  adopted 
for  D'Estaing's  expedition  was  sent  by  him  to  the  Commissioners  from  Nantes, 
on  the  10th  February,  1778,  after  he  had  returned  from  Paris,  and  immediately 
on  hearing  some  agreeable  news  from  America. 


THE  INDIEN.  51 

of  Marine,  M.  de  Sartine, — "  Had  Count  d'Estaing  arrived 
in  the  Delaware  a  few  days  sooner,  he  might  have  made  a 
most  glorious  and  easy  conquest.  Many  successful  projects 
may  be  adopted  from  the  hints  which  I  had  the  honour  to 
draw  up ;  and  if  I  can  still  furnish  more,  or  execute  any  of 
these  already  furnished,  so  as  to  distress  and  humble  the  com 
mon  enemy,  it  will  afford  me  the  truest  pleasure."  Before 
D'Estaing  appeared,  however,  Lord  Howe,  as  has  been  noticed, 
had  been  able  to  place  the  fleet  and  the  transports  in  safety ; 
and  the  plan  on  which  the  American  Commissioners  justly 
prided  themselves  of  blocking  up  the  British  ships,  transports, 
and  victuallers,  in  the  Delaware,  thus  fell  to  the  ground. 

When  Jones  went  to  Paris  to  attend  the  Commissioners,  he 
left  the  Ranger,  which  had  been  damaged  in  her  voyage, 
refitting  at  Nantes.  To  the  Commissioners  he  imparted  plans 
of  various  enterprises  to  be  undertaken  in  the  bold  predatory 
spirit  of  the  private  instructions  of  Morris,  and  he  induced 
them  to  hold  out  to  his  crew,  in  the  name  of  Congress,  the 
hope  or  promise  of  some  particular  gratuity  in  reward  of  the 
"  good,  gallant  behaviour  and  punctual  obedience,"  so  essen 
tial  to  the  furtherance  of  his  daring  projects.  In  coming  to 
Europe  he  expected  to  obtain  command  of  the  Indien,  a  large 
frigate,  then  building  at  Amsterdam,  for  the  service  of  the 
United  States.  This  vessel  the  Commissioners  thought  fit  to 
present  to  the  King  of  France.  Jones  felt  the  disappointment, 
and  even  complained  of  it  to  Congress,  making  it  an  argu 
ment  for  obtaining  at  least  an  equivalent  command. 

On  the  16th  January,  1778,  Jones  received  his  orders 
from  the  Commissioners.  They  were  such  as  ever  proved 
the  most  agreeable  to  him — unlimited — implying  full  confi 
dence  in  his  zeal  and  ability.  The  only  caution  he  received, 
was,  not  to  return  immediately  to  the  ports  of  France  after 
making  an  attempt  on  the  coast  of  Britain,  as  the  French  court 
wished  to  shuffle  a  little  longer. 


THE  FIRST  SALUTE. 


The  first  Salute. 


The  Ranger  being  now  refitted,  Jones  sailed  to  Quiberon, 
and  at  that  place  displayed  considerable  professional  address 
and  characteristic  firmness,  in  compelling  the  French  Admi 
ral  to  give  the  American  flag — which  Jones  had  been  the 
first  to  hoist — the  first  salute  it  ever  received.  It  was  thus 
he  wrote  on  this  occasion : 

"  FEBRUARY,  14th,  1778. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  give  you  fresh  trouble,  but  1 
think  the  Admiral's  answer  of  yesterday  requires  an  explana 
tion.  The  haughty  English  return  gun  for  gun  to  foreign 
officers  of  equal  rank,  and  two  less  only  to  captains  by  flag- 
officers.  It  is  true,  my  command  at  present  is  not  important, 
yet,  as  the  senior  American  officer  at  present  in  Europe,  it  is 
my  duty  to  claim  an  equal  return  of  respect  to  the  flag  of 
the  United  States  that  would  be  shown  to  any  other  flag 
whatever. 

"  I  therefore  take  the  liberty  of  enclosing  an  appointment, 


JONES  SAILS  FROM  BREST.  53 

perhaps  as  respectable  as  any  which  the  French  Admiral  can 
produce — besides  which  I  have  others  in  my  possession. 

"  If,  however,  he  persists  in  refusing  to  return  an  equal 
salute,  I  will  accept  of  two  guns  less,  as  I  have  not  the  rank 
of  Admiral. 

"  It  is  my  opinion,  that  he  would  return  four  less  to  a  pri 
vateer  or  a  merchant  ship ;  therefore,  as  I  have  been  honoured 
oftener  than  once  with  a  chief  command  of  ships  of  war,  I 
cannot  in  honour  accept  of  the  same  terms  of  respect. 

"  You  will  singularly  oblige  me  by  waiting  upon  the  Admi 
ral  ;  and  I  ardently  hope  you  will  succeed  in  the  application, 
else  I  shall  be  under  a  necessity  of  departing  without  coming 
into  the  bay.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &c. 

"  To  WILUAM  CARMICHAEL,  Esq." 

"  N.  B. — Though  thirteen  guns  is  your  greatest  salute  in 
America,  yet  if  the  French  Admiral  should  prefer  a  greater 
number,  he  has  his  choice,  on  conditions" 

Of  the  triumphant  recognition  of  the  American  flag  obtained 
in  the  first  instance  by  him,  Jones  was  naturally  very  proud. 
"  I  am  happy,"  he  says  addressing  the  Marine  Committee  at 
home,  "  in  having  it  in  my  power  to  congratulate  you  on  my 
having  seen  the  American  flag  recognized  in  the  fullest  and 
completest  manner  by  the  flag  of  France."  And  he  relates 
how  he  accomplished  this  object. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  Jones  sailed  from  Brest  on  that  cruise 
which  the  assault  on  Whitehaven,  the  landing  at  the  Earl  of 
Selkirk's,  and  the  capture  of  the  Drake,  afterwards  rendered 
so  celebrated.  The  account  of  that  expedition  will  be  best 
given  in  his  own  words.  It  is,  however,  worthy  of  notice, 
that  the  original  log-book  of  the  Ranger,  and  of  his  more 
famous  ship,  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  which  are  now  acci 
dentally  in  the  hands  of  gentlemen  in  Scotland,  wholly  uncon 
nected  with  Captain  Jones,  generally  corroborate  all  his 
5* 


54  SINKING  OF  THE  BRIGANTINE. 

statements  to  the  most  minute  particulars.  It  is  thus  his  ac 
count  commences : — 

"  I  have  now  to  fulfil  the  promise  made  in  my  last,  by  giv 
ing  you  an  account  of  my  late  expedition. 

"  I  sailed  from  Brest  the  10th  of  April ;  my  plan  was  ex 
tensive,  I  therefore  did  not  at  the  beginning  wish  to  encumber 
myself  with  prisoners.  On  the  14th,  I  took  a  brigantine,  be 
tween  Scilly  and  Cape  Clear,  bound  for  Ostend,  with  a  cargo 
of  flax-seed  for  Ireland — sunk  her,  and  proceeded  into  St. 
George's  Channel. 


Sinking  of  the  Brigantine. 

"  On  the  17th  I  took  the  ship  Lord  Chatham,  bound  from 
London  to  Dublin,  with  a  cargo  consisting  of  porter,  and  a 
variety  of  merchandise,  and  almost  within  sight  of  her  port ; 
this  ship  I  manned  and  ordered  for  Brest. 

"  Towards  the  evening  of  the  day  following  the  weather 
had  a  promising  appearance,  and,  the  wind  being  favourable, 
I  stood  over  from  the  Isle  of  Man,  with  an  intention  to  make 
a  descent  at  Whitehaven ;  at  ten  I  was  off  the  harbour  with 
a  party  of  volunteers,  and  had  everything  in  readiness  to 
land;  but  before  eleven  the  wind  greatly  increased  and  shifted, 
so  as  to  blow  directly  upon  the  shore ;  the  sea  increased,  of 
course,  and  it  became  impossible  to  effect  a  landing.  This 
obliged  me  to  carry  all  possible  sail  so  as  to  clear  the  land, 
and  to  await  a  more  favourable  opportunity. 


THE  REVENUE  WHERRY.  55 

"  On  the  18th,  in  Glentinebay,  on  the  south  coast  of  Scot 
land,  I  met  with  a  revenue  wherry ;  it  being  the  common 
practice  of  these  vessels  to  board  merchant  ships,  the  Ranger 
then  having  no  external  appearance  of  war,  it  was  expected 
that  this  rover  would  have  come  alongside ;  I  was,  however, 
mistaken,  for  though  the  men  were  at  their  quarters,  yet  this 
vessel  out-sailed  the  Ranger,  and  got  clear  in  spite  of  a  severe 
cannonade. 


Escape  of  Mie  Revenue  Wherry. 


"  The  next  morning,  off  the  Mull  of  Galloway,  I  found  my 
self  so  near  a  Scotch  coasting  schooner,  loaded  with  barley, 
that  I  could  not  avoid  sinking  her.  Understanding  that  there 
were  ten  or  twelve  sail  of  merchant  ships,  besides  a  Tender 
brigantine,  with  a  number  of  impressed  men  on  board,  at 
anchor  in  Lochryan,  in  Scotland,  I  thought  this  an  enterprise 
worthy  my  attention ;  but  the  wind,  which  at  the  first  would 
have  served  equally  well  to  have  sailed  in  or  out  of  the  Loch, 
shifted  in  a  hard  squall,  so  as  to  blow  almost  directly  in,  with 
an  appearance  of  bad  weather.  I  was  therefore  obliged  to 
abandon  my  project. 

"  Seeing  a  cutter  off  the  lee-bow  steering  for  the  Clyde,  I 
gave  chase,  in  hopes  of  cutting  her  off,  but  finding  my 
endeavours  ineffectual,  I  pursued  no  farther  than  the  Rock  of 


56  THE  DRAKE. 

Ailsa.     In  the  evening  I  fell  in  with  a  sloop  from   Dublin, 

which  I  sunk,  to  prevent  intelligence. 

"The  next  day,  21st,  being  near  Carrickfergus,  a  fishing- 
boat  came  off,  w-hich  I  detained.  I  saw  a  ship  at  anchor  in 
the  road,  which  I  was  informed  by  the  fishermen  was  the 
British  ship-of-war  Drake,  of  t\venty  guns.  I  determined  to 
attack  her  in  the  night ;  my  plan  was  to  overlay  her  cable, 
and  to  fall  upon  her  bow,  so  as  to  have  all  her  decks  open 
and  exposed  to  our  musketry,  &c. ;  at  the  same  time,  it  \vas 
my  intention  to  have  secured  the  enemy  by  grapplings,  so 
that,  had  they  cut  their  cables,  they  \vould  not  thereby  have 
attained  an  advantage.  The  wind  was  high,  and  unfortunately 
the  anchor  was  not  let  go  so  soon  as  the  order  was  given,  so 
that  the  Ranger  was  brought  to  upon  the  enemy's  quarter 
at  the  distance  of  half  a  cable's  length.  We  had  made  no 
warlike  appearance,  of  course  had  given  no  alarm  ;  this  deter 
mined  me  to  cut  immediately,  \vhich  might  appear  as  if  the 
cable  had  parted,  and  at  the  same  time  enable  me,  after  mak 
ing  a  tack  out  of  the  Loch,  to  return  with  the  same  prospect 
of  advantage  which  I  had  at  the  first.  I  was,  however,  pre 
vented  from  returning,  as  I  with  difficulty  weathered  the 
light-house  on  the  lee-side  of  the  Loch,  and  as  the  gale 
increased.  The  weather  now  became  so  very  stormy  and 
severe,  and  the  sea  ran  so  high,  that  I  was  obliged  to  take 
shelter  under  the  south  shore  of  Scotland. 

"  The  22d  introduced  fair  weather,  though  the  three  king 
doms  were,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  covered  with  snow. 
I  now  resolved  once  more  to  attempt  Whitehaven;  but  the 
wind  became  very  light,  so  that  the  ship  would  not  in  proper 
time  approach  so  near  as  I  had  intended.  At  midnight  I  left 
the  ship  with  two  boats  and  thirty-one  volunteers  ;  \vhen  we 
reached  the  outer  pier,  the  day  began  to  dawn  ;  I  would  not, 
however,  abandon  my  enterprise,  but  despatched  one  boat 
under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Hill  and  Lieutenant  Wallingsford, 
with  the  necessary  combustibles  to  set  fire  to  the  shipping  on 


DESCENT  ON  WHI.TEHAVEN.  57 

the  north  side  of  the  harbour,  while  I  went  with  the  other 
party  to  attempt  the  south  side.  I  was  successful  in  scaling 
the  walls  and  spiking  up  all  the  cannon  on  the  first  fort ;  find 
ing  the  sentinels  shut  up  in  the  guard-house,  they  were 
secured  without  being  hurt.  Having  fixed  sentinels,  I  now 
took  with  me  one  man  only,  (Mr.  Green,)  and  spiked  up  all 
the  cannon  on  the  southern  fort,  distant  from  the  other  a 
quarter  of  a  mile. 


Expedition  to  Wliitehaven . 


"  On  my  return  from  this  business,  I  naturally  expected  to 
see  the  fire  of  the  ships  on  the  north  side,  as  well  as  to  find 
my  own  party  with  everything  in  readiness  to  set  fire  to  the 
shipping  onvthe  south;  instead  of  this,  I  found  the  boat  under 
the  direction  of  Mr.  Hill  and  M.  Wallingsford  returned,  and 
the  party  in  some  confusion,  their  light  having  burnt  out  at 
the  instant  when  it  became  necessary.* 

*  Jones  did  not  soon  surmount  the  disappointment  occasioned  by  this  mis- 
understanding1  on  the  part  of  his  officers.  In  a  memorial  to  Congress,  he  says, 
"  My  first  object  was  to  secure  an  exchange  of  prisoners  in  Europe,  and  my 
second  to  put  an  end,  by  one  good  fire  in  England  of  shipping,  to  all  the  burn 
ings  in  America.  I  succeeded  in  the  first,  even  by  means  far  more  glorious 
than  my  most  flattering  ideas  had  expected  when  I  left  France.  In  the  second 
I  endeavoured  to  deserve  success;  but  a  wise  officer  of  mine  observed,  that  'it 
was  a  rash  thing,  and  that  nothing  could  be  got  by  burning  poor  people's 


58  DESCENT  ON  WHITEHAVEN. 

"By  the  strangest  fatality,  my  own  party  were  in  the  same 
situation,  the  candles  being  all  burnt  out.  The  day  too  came 
on  apace,  yet  I  would  by  no  means  retreat  while  any  hopes  of 
success  remained.  Having  again  placed  sentinels,  a  light 
was  obtained  at  a  house  disjoined  from  the  town,  and  fire 
was  kindled  in  the  steerage  of  a  large  ship,  which  was  sur 
rounded  by  at  least  an  hundred  and  fifty  others,  chiefly  from 
two  to  four  hundred  tons  burthen,  and  lying  side  by  side, 
aground,  unsurrounded  by  the  water. 

"  There  were,  besides,  from  seventy  to  an  hundred  large 
ships  in  the  north  arm  of  the  harbour,  aground,  clear  of  the 
water,  and  divided  from  the  rest  only  by  a  stone  pier  of  a 
ship's  height.  I  should  have  kindled  fires  in  other  places  if 
the  time  had  permitted ;  as  it  did  not,  our  care  was  to  pre 
vent  the  one  kindled  from  being  easily  extinguished.  After 
some  search,  a  barrel  of  tar  was  found,  arid  poured  into  the 
flames,  which  nowT  ascended  from  all  the  hatclrvvays.  The 
inhabitants  began  to  appear  in  thousands,  and  individuals  ran 
hastily  towards  us.  I  stood  between  them  and  the  ship  on 
fire,  with  a  pistol  in  my  hand,  and  ordered  them  to  retire, 
which  they  did  with  precipitation.  The  flames  had  already 
caught  the  rigging,  and  began  to  ascend  the  main-mast ;  the 
the  sun  was  a  full  hour's  march  above  the.  horizon,  and  as 
sleep  no  longer  ruled  the  world,  it  was  time  to  retire.  We 

property.'  I  must,  however,  do  him  the  justice  to  mention  his  acknowledg 
ment,  that  he  had  no  turn  for  enterprise ;  and  I  must  also  do  equal  justice  to 
my  former  officers  in  the  Providence  and  the  Alfred,  by  declaring,  that  had 
they  been  with  me  in  the  Ranger,  two  hundred  and  fifty,  or  three  hundred  sail 
of  large  ships  at  Whitehaven  would  have  been  laid  in  ashes."  In  answer  to 
certain  queries  on  this  subject,  proposed  by  the  Board  of  Admiralty  in  1781, 
he  says,  "  I  made  a  descent  at  Whitehaven  with  thirty  men  only,  surprised 
and  took  two  strong  forts  with  thirty  pieces  of  cannon,  and  set  fire  to  the  ship 
ping  where  they  lay,  three  hundred  or  upwards,  in  the  dry  pier.  That  both 
the  shipping  and  the  town,  containing  from  forty  to  fifty  thousand  inhabitants, 
was  not  burned,  was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of  some  persons  under  my 
command." 


(60) 


DESCENT  ON  WIIITEHAVEN.  61 

re-embarked  without  opposition,  having  released  a  number 
of  prisoners,  as  our  boats  could  not  carry  them.  After  all 
my  people  had  embarked,  I  stood  upon  the  pier  for  a  consi 
derable  space,  yet  no  person  advanced :  I  saw  all  the  emi 
nences  round  the  town  covered  with  the  amazed  inhabitants. 

•"  When  we  had  rowed  to  a  considerable  distance  from  the 
shore,  the  English  began  to  run  in  vast  numbers  to  their  forts ; 
their  disappointment  may  easily  be  imagined  when  they  found, 
I  suppose,  at  least  thirty  heavy  cannon  (the  instruments  of 
their  vengeance)  rendered  useless.  At  length,  however,  they 
began  to  fire,  having,  as  I  apprehend,  either  brought  down 
ship's  guns,  or  used  one  or  two  cannon  which  lay  on  the 
beach  at  the  foot  of  the  walls,  dismounted,  and  which  had  not 
been  spiked.  They  fired  with  no  direction,  and  the  shot  fall 
ing  short  of  the  boats,  instead  of  doing  us  any  damage, 
afforded  some  diversion,  which  my  people  could  not  help 
showing,  by  discharging  their  pistols,  &c.  in  return  of  the 
salute. 

"  Had  it  been  possible  to  have  landed  a  few  hours  sooner, 
success  would  have  been  complete ;  not  a  single  ship  out  of 
more  than  two  hundred  could  possibly  have  escaped,  and  all 
the  world  would  not  have  been  able  to  save  the  town ;  what 
was  done,  however,  is  sufficient  to  show  that  not  all  their 
boasted  navy  can  protect  their  own  coasts,  and  that  the  scenes 
of  distress  which  they  have  occasioned  in  America  may  soon 
be  brought  home  to  their  own  doors.  One  of  my  people  was 
missing,  and  must,  I  fear,  have  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands 
after  our  departure.*  I  was  pleased  that  in  this  business  we 
neither  killed  nor  wounded.  I  brought  off  three  prisoners  as 
a  sample." 

*  In  the  Ranger's  log-book  this  man  is  named  David  Smith.  He  is  probably 
the  same  person  who,  under  the  name  of  Freeman,  gave  information  at  several 
houses  in  a  street  adjoining  the  piers, -that  fire  had  been  set  to  a  ship,  and 
afterwards  other  information  that  appears  substantially  correct.  He  must  have 
remained  on  shore  voluntarily. 
6 


62 


DESCENT  ON  ST.   MARY'S  ISLE. 


In  all  the  contemporary  accounts  of  the  attempt  on  White- 
haven,  and  capture  of  the  Drake,  the  Ranger  is  termed  a 
privateer.  This  is  a  mistake ;  she  was  a  ship  of  war  belong 
ing  to  the  United  States,  and  Jones  was  appointed  her  com 
mander  by  a  resolution  of  Congress  on  the  14th  of  June,  1777. 
The  character  of  this  vessel  was,  however,  certainly  anc/ma- 
lous  in  any  regular  navy.  Her  commander  acted  alone  and 
single-handed ;  and  such  was  his  temper  and  the  nature  of 
the  service  for  which  he  seemed  most  fitted,  that  he  uniformly 
succeeded  best  when  acting  thus  on  his  own  judgment  and 
responsibility,  and  never  wholly  failed,  save  in  those  combined 
operations  where  his  opinions  were  opposed  or  fettered. 
With  the  unlimited  command  of  the  Ranger,  and  small  as  his 
force  was,  he  determined  to  prove  to  France  and  America 
what,  with  adequate  means  placed  at  his  disposal,  he  might 
achieve.  But  it  is  time  to  return  to  the  narrative  of  this 
cruise,  which  resembled  more  the  bold  exploits  of  Morgan  or 
Lolonnois  than  the  operations  of  modern  nautical  warfare. 


Descent  on  St.  Mary's  Isle. 


ENCOUNTER  WITH  THE  DRAKE.  63 

"  We  now  stood  over  for  the  Scotch  shore,  and  landed  at 
noon  on  St.  Mary's  Isle,  with  one  boat  only,  and  a  very  small 
party,  (twelve  men.)  The  motives  which  induced  me  to  land 
there  are  explained  in  the  within  copy  of  a  letter*  which  I 
have  written  to  the  Countess  of  Selkirk. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  24th  I  was  again  off  Carrickfergus, 
and  would  have  gone  in  had  I  not  seen  the  Drake  preparing 
to  come  out ;  it  was  very  moderate,  and  the  Drake's  boat  was 
sent  out  to  reconnoitre  the  Ranger.  As  the  boat  advanced  I 
kept  the  ship's  stern  directly  towards  her,  and,  though  they 
had  a  spy-glass  in  the  boat,  they  came  on  within  hail,  and 
alongside.  When  the  officer  came  on  the  quarter-deck,  he 
was  greatly  surprised  to  find  himself  a  prisoner ! — although 
an  express  had  arrived  from  Whitehaven  the  night  before.  I 
now  understood  what  I  had  before  imagined,  that  the  Drake 
came  out  in  consequence  of  this  information  with  volunteers 
against  the  Ranger.  The  officer  told  me  also,  that  they  had 
taken  up  the  Ranger's  anchor. 

"  The  Drake  was  attended  by  five  small  vessels  full  of 
people,  wno  were  led  by  motives  of  curiosity  to  see  an 
engagement ;  but  when  they  discovered  the  Drake's  boat  at 
the  Ranger's  stern  they  wisely  put  back.  Alarm-smokes 
now  appeared  in  great  abundance,  extending  along  both  sides 
of  the  channel.  The  tide  was  unfavourable,  so  that  the 
Drake  worked  out  but  slowly.  This  obliged  me  to  run  down 
several  times,  and  to  lay  with  courses  up,  and  main-topsail 
to  the  mast.  At  length  the  Drake  weathered  the  point,  and 
having  led  her  out  to  about  mid-channel,  I  suffered  her  to 
corne  within  hail.  The  Drake  hoisted  English  colours,  and 
at  the  same  instant  the  American  stars  were  displayed  on 
board  the  Ranger.  I  expected  that  preface  had  been  now  at 
an  end ;  but  the  enemy  soon  after  hailed,  demanding  what 
ship  it  was.  I  directed  the  master  to  answer,  the  American 
continental  ship  Ranger;  that  we  waited  for  them,  and  desired 

*  Sec  page  68. 


64  ACTION  WITH  THE  DRAKE. 

they  would  come  on.  The  sun  was  now  little  more  than  an 
hour  from  setting,  it  was  therefore  time  to  begin.  The  Drake 
being  rather  astern  of  the  Ranger,  I  ordered  the  helm  up, 
and  gave  her  the  first  broadside.  The  action  was  warm, 
close,  and  obstinate ;  it  lasted  an  hour  and  five  minutes,  when 
the  enemy  called  for  quarters,  her  fore  and  main-top-sail 
yards  being  both  cut  away,  and  down  on  the  cap ;  the  fore- 
top-gallant-yard  and  mizen-gaff  both  hanging  up  and  down 
along  the  mast ;  the  second  ensign  which  they  had  hoisted 
shot  away,  and  hanging  over  the  quarter-gallery,  in  the  water ; 
the  jib  shot  away,  and  hanging  into  the  water ;  her  sails  and 
rigging  entirely  cut  to  pieces,  her  masts  and  yards  all 
wounded,  and  her  hull  also  very  much  galled. 


Action  between  the  Hanger  and  the  Drake. 


"I  lost  only  Lieutenant  Wallingsford,  and  one  seaman 
(John  Dongal)  killed,  and  six  wounded,  among  whom  are  the 
gunner,  (Mr.  Falls,)  and  Mr.  Powers,  a  midshipman,  who 
lost  his  arm.  One  of  the  wounded  (Nathaniel  Wills)  is  since 
dead ;  the  rest  will  recover. 


ACTION  WITH  THE  DRAKE.  65 

"  The  loss  of  the  enemy  in  killed  and  wounded  was  far 
greater.  All  the  prisoners  allow  that  they  came  out  with  a 
number  not  less  than  an  hundred  and  sixty  men,  and  many  of 
them  affirm  that  they  amounted  to  an  hundred  and  ninety ;  the 
medium  may  perhaps  be  the  most  exact  account,  and  by  that 
it  will  appear  that  they  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  forty- 
two  men.* 

"  The  captain  and  lieutenant  were  among  the  wounded ; 
the  former,  having  received  a  musket  ball  in  the  head  the 
minute  before  they  called  for  quarters,  lived  and  was  sensible 
for  some  time  after  my  people  boarded  the  prize  ;  the  lieu 
tenant  survived  two  days.  They  were  buried  with  the 
honours  due  to  their  rank,  and  with  the  respect  due  to  their 
memory. 

*'  The  night,  and  almost  the  whole  day  after  the  action, 
being  moderate,  greatly  facilitated  the  refitting  of  the  ships. 
A  large  brigantine  ran  so  near  the  Drake  in  the  afternoon, 
that  I  WAS  obliged  to  bring  her  to :  she  belonged  to  White- 
haven,  and  was  bound  to  Norway. 

"  I  had  thoughts  of  returning  by  the  south  channel,  but  the 
wind  shifting,  I  determined  to  pass  by  the  north,  and  round 
the  w^est  coast  of  Ireland :  this  brought  me  once  more  off 
Belfast  Loch  on  the  evening  of  the  day  after  the  engagement. 

"  It  was  now  time  to  release  the  honest  Irishmen  whom  I 
took  here  on  the  21st :  and  as  the  poor  fellows  had  lost  their 
boat,  she  having  sunk  in  the  late  stormy  weather,  I  was  happy 
in  having  it  in  my  power  to  give  them  the  necessary  sum  to 
purchase  everything  new  which  they  had  lost ;  I  gave  them 
also  a  good  boat  to  transport  themselves  ashore,  and  sent 
with  them  two  infirm  men,  on  whom  I  had  bestowed  the  last 
guinea  in  my  possession,  to  defray  their  travelling  expenses 
to  their  proper  home  at  Dublin.  They  took  with  them  one 
of  the  Drake's  sails,  which  would  sufficiently  explain  what 

*  This  loss  is  stated  by  the  other  party  at  twenty-two. 

6* 


66  RELEASE  OF  THE   IRISHMEN. 

had  happened  to  the  volunteers.  The  grateful  Irishmen  were 
enraptured  and  expressed  their  joy  in  three  huzzas  as  they 
passed  the  Ranger's  quarter." 


Release  of  the  Irishmen. 


On  the  26th  April,  Captain  Jones  placed  Lieutenant  Simp 
son  under  suspension  and  arrest ;  and  on  the  8th  May  he  re- 
entered  Brest  roads,  having  been  absent  only  twenty-eight- 
days.* 

If  the   American  plenipotentiaries  were  gratified  by  the 

*  The  worthy  and  cautious  citizens  of  Aberdeen  were  the  only  persons 
greatly  alarmed  on  this  occasion.  In  the  Scots  Magazine  for  May,  1778,  we 
find  the  following  paragraph  : 

"  On  receiving  at  Aberdeen  intelligence  of  the  plunder  of  Lord  Selkirk's 
house  and  the  landing  at  Whitehaven,  a  hand-bill  was  circulated  by  order  of 
the  Magistrates,  to  set  on  foot  an  association  of  the  inhabitants  for  defence, 
and  in  a  few  days  an  hundred  and  twenty  were  enrolled." 

The  affair  never  went  farther.  Another  American  vessel,  which  landed  a 
party,  and  plundered  the  house  of  Mr.  Gordon,  near  Banff,  must  have  quick- 
ened  their  apprehensions ;  but  no  alarm  was  seriously  felt  till  the  squadron  of 
Paul  Jones  appeared  in  the  frith  of  Forth.  Even  then  the  panic  was  short 
lived. 


LETTER  TO  THE  COUNTESS  OF  SELKIRK.  67 

success  of  this  expedition,  the  Court  of  Versailles  was  still 
more  delighted.  France  was  now  on  the  very  eve  of  war. 
The  plenipotentiaries  of  the  United  States  had  been  publicly 
received  at  Versailles  a  month  before — the  treaty  had  been 
signed — and  D'Estaing's  squadron  was  ready  for  sea.  The 
French  ambassador  had  been  ordered  to  leave  London,  and 
by  the  famous  engagement  between  the  Arethusa  and  La 
Belle  Poule  the  first  blow  had  been  struck.  In  England  the 
nation,  much  divided  on  the  policy  of  the  unsuccessful  war 
with  the  colonies,  were  for  the  first  time  united  in  feelings  of 
hostility  to  the  "  ancient  foe,"  and  of  indignation  at  the  insidi 
ous  policy  of  the  court  of  Versailles.  The  most  active  pre 
parations  were  going  on  throughout  the  whole  of  the  three 
kingdoms.  All  the  winter  and  spring,  in  anticipation  of  a 
war  with  France,  volunteer  corps,  defensive  bands,  and  fen- 
cible  regiments,  had  been  raising ;  the  navy  was  hastily  aug 
mented  ;  addresses  were  sent  from  all  quarters  of  the  country ; 
and  the  bulk  of  the  nation  was  animated  by  the  most  ardent 
spirit  of  loyalty. 

The  first  leisure  of  Captain  Jones  on  arriving  at  Brest  was 
employed  in  writing  his  celebrated  letter  to  the  Countess  of 
Selkirk.  His  conduct  throughout  the  whole  of  this  delicate 
affair,  though  certainly  on  his  part  the  spontaneous  impulse 
of  elevated  feeling,  was  also  good  policy,  as  the  descent  on 
St.  Mary's  Isle,  which  ultimately  redounded  to  his  honour, 
was  liable  to  much  misrepresentation.  The  explanatory 
chivalrous  epistle  to  the  Countess  of  Selkirk  has  been  often 
talked  of.  It  represents  the  character  of  the  writer  in  a  new 
and  certainly  not  unpleasing  light.  How  seldom  does  the 
romance  of  real  life  exist  till  the  age  of  thirty ! 

But  however  romantic  one  class  of  the  feelings  of  Jones 
might  be,  awakened  and  softened  by  his  visit  to  the  scenes 
of  his  boyhood,  under  circumstances  so  extraordinary,  he 
was  still  much  more  at  home  in  drawing  up  a  clear  memorial 
of  his  proceedings  for  Congress,  or  in  bringing  to  a  tardy 


68  LETTER  TO  THE  COUNTESS  OF  SELKIRK. 

and  shuffling  minister,  than  in  addressing  high-born  dames. 
Though  he  had  been  a  few  weeks  in  Paris,  the  airs  of  a 
carpet-knight  still  sat  awkwardly  upon  him,  and  his  letter 
evinces  more  right  feeling  than  good  taste  or  knowledge  of 
lady-life.  But  Franklin,  the  republican  sage,  to  whom  the 
epistle  was  enclosed,  says,  "  It  is  a  gallant  letter,  which  must 
give  her  Ladyship  a  high  and  just  opinion  of  your  generosity 
and  nobleness  of  mind ;" — and  he  \vas  right.  The  matter 
was  admirable,  whatever  might  be  the  faults  of  style.  Had 
the  same  generous  spirit  of  hostility  been  displayed  through 
out,  how  much  of  human  misery,  wantonly  inflicted,  might 
have  been  spared, — how  much  of  that  bitterness  of  feeling 
engendered  between  countries  having  in  common  so  many 
powerful  bonds  of  alliance,  might  have  been  prevented  ! 

"RANGER,  Brest,  8th  May,  1778. 
"  MADAM, 

"  It  cannot  be  too  much  lamented,  that,  in  the  profession 
of  arms,  the  officer  of  fine  feelings  and  real  sensibility  should 
be  under  the  necessity  of  winking  at  any  action  of  persons 
under  his  command  which  his  heart  cannot  approve ;  but  the 
reflection  is  doubly  severe,  when  he  finds  himself  obliged,  in 
appearance,  to  countenance  such  acts  by  his  authority. 

"  This  hard  case  was  mine,  when,  on  the  23d  of  April  last, 
I  landed  on  St.  Mary's  Isle.  Knowing  Lord  Selkirk's  interest 
with  the  King,  and  esteeming,  as  I  do,  his  private  character, 
I  wished  to  make  him  the  happy  instrument  of  alleviating  the 
horrors  of  hopeless  captivity,  when  the  brave  are  overpowered 
and  made  prisoners  of  war. 

"  It  was,  perhaps,  fortunate  for  you,  Madam,  that  he  was 
from  home ;  for  it  was  my  intention  to  have  taken  him  on 
board  the  Ranger,  and  to  have  detained  him,  until,  through 
his  means,  a  general  and  fair  exchange  of  prisoners,  as  well 
in  Europe  as  in  America,  had  been  effected.  When  I  was 
informed  by  some  men  whom  I  met  at  landing,  that  his  Lord- 


LETTER  TO  THE  COUNTESS  OF  SELKIRK.  69 

ship  was  absent,  I  walked  back  to  my  boat,  determined  to 
leave  the  island.  By  the  way,  however,  some  officers,  who 
were  with  me,  could  not  forbear  expressing  their  discontent, 
observing  that,  in  America,  no  delicacy  was  shown  by 
the  English,  who  took  away  all  sorts  of  moveable  property, 
setting  fire,  not  only  to  towns  and  to  the  houses  of  the  rich, 
without  distinction,  but  not  even  sparing  the  wretched  ham 
lets  and  milch-cows  of  the  poor  and  helpless,  at  the  approach 
of  an  inclement  winter.  That  party  had  been  with  me  the 
same  morning  at  Whitehaven ;  some  complaisance,  therefore, 
was  their  due.  I  had  but  a  moment  to  think  how  I  might 
gratify  them,  and  at  the  same  time  do  your  Ladyship  the  least 
injury.  I  charged  the  officers  to  permit  none  of  the  seamen 
to  enter  the  house,  or  to  hurt  anything  about  it ;  to  treat  you, 
Madam,  with  the  utmost  respect ;  to  accept  of  the  plate  which 
was  offered,  and  to  come  away  without  making  a  search,  or 
demanding  anything  else. 

"  I  am  induced  to  believe  that  I  was  punctually  obeyed, 
since  I  am  informed  that  the  plate  which  they  brought  away 
is  far  short  of  the  quantity  expressed  in  the  inventory  which 
accompanied  it.  I  have  gratified  my  men ;  and,  when  the 
plate  is  sold,  I  shall  become  the  purchaser,  and  will  gratify 
my  own  feelings  by  restoring  it  to  you  by  such  conveyance 
as  you  shall  please  to  direct. 

"  Had  the  Earl  been  on  board  the  Ranger  the  following 
evening,  he  would  have  seen  the  awful  pomp  and  dreadful 
carnage  of  a  sea-engagement ;  both  affording  ample  subject 
for  the  pencil  as  well  as  melancholy  reflection  for  the  con 
templative  mind.  Humanity  starts  back  from  such  scenes 
of  horror,  and  cannot  sufficiently  execrate  the  vile  promoters 
of  this  detestable  war — 

*  For  they,  't  was  they,  unsheathed  the  ruthless  blade, 
And  Heaven  shall  ask  the  havoc  it  has  made.' 

"  The  British  ship  of  war  Drake,  mounting  twenty  guns, 


70  LETTER  TO  THE  COUNTESS  OF  SELKIRK. 

with  more  than  her  full  complement  of  officers  and  men,  was 
our  opponent.  The  ships  met,  and  the  advantage  was  disputed 
with  great  fortitude  on  each  side  for  an  hour  and  four  min 
utes,  when  the  gallant  commander  of  the  Drake  fell,  and  vic 
tory  declared  in  favour  of  the  Ranger.  The  amiable  lieuten 
ant  lay  mortally  wounded,  besides  near  forty  of  the  inferior 
officers  and  crew  killed  and  wounded, — a  melancholy  demon 
stration  of  the  uncertainty  of  human  prospects,  and  of  the  sad 
reverse  of  fortune  which  an  hour  can  produce.  I  buried 
them  in  a  spacious  grave,  with  the  honours  due  to  the  me 
mory  of  the  brave. 

"  Though  I  have  drawn  my  sword  in  the  present  generous 
struggle  for  the  rights  of  men,  yet  I  am  not  in  arms  as  an 
American,  nor  am  I  in  pursuit  of  riches.  My  fortune  is  liberal 
enough,  having  no  wife  nor  family,  and  having  lived  long 
enough  to  know  that  riches  cannot  ensure  happiness.  I  pro 
fess  myself  a  citizen  of  the  world,  totally  unfettered  by  the 
little,  mean  distinctions  of  climate  or  of  country,  which 
diminish  the  benevolence  of  the  heart,  and  set  bounds  to  phi 
lanthropy.  Before  this  war  began  I  had  at  the  early  time  of 
life  withdrawn  from  the  sea-service  in  favour  of  *  calm  con 
templation  and  poetic  ease.'  I  have  sacrificed  not  only  my 
favourite  scheme  of  life,  but  the  softer  affections  of  the  heart 
and  my  prospects  of  domestic  happiness,  arid  I  am  ready  to 
sacrifice  my  life  also  with  cheerfulness,  if  that  forfeiture  could 
restore  peace  and  good-will  among  mankind. 

"  As  the  feelings  of  your  gentle  bosom  cannot  but  be  con 
genial  with  mine,  let  me  entreat  you,  Madam,  to  use  your 
persuasive  art  with  your  husband's  to  endeavour  to  stop  this 
cruel  and  destructive  war,  in  which  Britain  can  never  suc- 
•  ceed.  Heaven  can  never  countenance  the  barbarous  and 
unmanly  practice  of  the  Britons  in  America,  which  savages 
would  blush  at,  and  which,  if  not  discontinued,  will  soon  be 
retaliated  on  Britain  by  a  justly-enraged  people.  Should  you 
fail  in  this,  (for  I  am  persuaded  that  you  will  attempt  it,  and 


LETTER  TO  THE  COUNTESS  OF  SELKIRK.  71 

who  can  resist  the  power  of  such  an  advocate  T)  your  endea 
vours  to  effect  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners  will  be  an 
act  of  humanity  which  will  afford  you  golden  feelings  on  a 
death-bed. 

"  I  hope  this  cruel  contest  will  soon  be  closed ;  but  should 
it  continue,  I  wage  no  "war  with  the  fair.  I  acknowledge 
their  force,  and  bend  before  it  with  submission.  Let  not, 
therefore,  the  amiable  Countess  of  Selkirk  regard  me  as  an 
enemy;  I  am  ambitious  of  her  esteem  and  friendship,  and 
would  do  anything,  consistent  with  my  duty,  to  merit  it. 

"  The  honour  of  a  line  from  your  hand  in  answer  to  this 
will  lay  me  under  a  singular  obligation ;  and  if  I  can  render 
you  any  acceptable  service  in  France  or  elsewhere,  I  hope 
you  see  into  my  character  so  far  as  to  command  me  without 
the  least  grain  of  reserve. 

"  I  wish  to  know  exactly  the  behaviour  of  my  people,  as  I 
am  determined  to  punish  them  if  they  have  exceeded  their 
liberty.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  much  esteem  and  with 
profound  respect,  Madam,  &c.  &c. 

"  JOHN  PAUL  JONES. 

"  To  the  COUNTESS  OF  SELKIRK." 

It  afterwards  cost  Jones  much  more  trouble  than  he  could 
have  calculated  upon  to  redeem  the  promise  here  given  to 
the  Countess  of  Selkirk.  Once  in  the  harpy  claws  of  com 
missaries  and  prize-agents,  it  required  all  his  energy,  activity, 
and  disinterestedness,  to  wrest  the  plate  from  them,  even  by 
paying,  he  says,  "  more  than  the  value."  It  was  valued  and 
re-valued,  and  occasioned  more  trouble  and  expense  than  it 
was  intrinsically  worth,  had  not  Jones  conceived  his  honour 
pledged  for  its  safe  restoration. 

Jones  found  a  useful  auxiliary  in  this  affair  in  Father  John, 
an  Irish  priest,  the  chaplain  of  Count  D'Orvilliers,  who  then 
commanded  a  fleet  lying  off  Brest,  and  whom  he  had  already 
made  his  friend.  So  justly  provoked  was  he  about  this  affair, 
and  the  sordid  spirit  of  the  agents,  that,  in  the  very  temper 


72  REDEMPTION  OF  THE  PLATE. 

of  Hotspur,  we  find  him  exclaiming,  "  I  will  not  abate  the 
thousandth  part  of  a  sol  of  three-twentieths  of  prizes,  which 
no  man  in  America  ever  presumed  to  dispute  as  being  my 
just  and  proper  right,  and  which  no  rascal  in  Europe  shall 
presume  to  dispute  with  impunity !  To  whom,  since  I  was 
myself  commander-in-chief,  would  that  old  fool  decree  the 
three-twentieths  ?  Perhaps  to  his  dear  self,  who  is  puffed  up 
with  the  idea  of  his  right  to  secure  '  the  property  of  captures?  " 
Though  the  plate  came  into  the  possession  of  Jones  in 
1780,  it  was  nearly  five  years  before  he  was  able  to  return  it 
to  the  owner.  It  was  lodged  with  a  friend  during  his  absence 
in  America ;  and  in  writing  to  Lord  Selkirk  in  1784,  after  the 
peace,  he  takes  occasion  to  make  a  new  avowal  of  the  views 
and  sentiments  on  which  he  had  acted  during  the  war : — 

PARIS,  February  12th,  1784. 
"  MY  LORD, 

"  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Nesbitt,  dated  at 
L'Orient  the  4th  instant,  mentioning  a  letter  to  him  from 
your  son,  Lord  Daer,  on  the  subject  of  the  plate  that  was 
taken  from  your  house  by  some  of  my  people  wrhen  I  com 
manded  the  Ranger,  and  has  been  for  a  long  time  past  in 
Mr.  Nesbitt's  care.  A  short  time  before  I  left  France  to 
return  to  America,  Mr.  W.  Alexander  wrote  me  from 
Paris  to  L'Orient,  that  he  had,  at  my  request,  seen  and  con 
versed  with  your  Lordship  in  England  respecting  the  plate. 
He  said  that  you  had  agreed  that  I  should  restore  it,  and  that 
it  might  be  forwarded  to  the  care  of  your  sister-in-law,  the 
Countess  of  Morton,  in  London.  In  consequence  I  now  send 
orders  to  Mr.  Nesbitt,  to  forward  the  plate  immediately  to 
her  care.  When  I  received  Mr.  Alexander's  letter,  there 
was  no  cartel  or  other  vessel  at  L'Orient,  that  I  could  trust 
with  a  charge  of  so  delicate  a  nature  as  your  plate,  and  I 
had  great  reason  to  expect  I  should  return  to  France  within 
six  months  after  I  embarked  for  America ;  but  circumstances 
in  America  prevented  my  returning  to  Europe  during  the 


LETTER  TO  LORD  SELKIRK.  73 

war,  though  I  had  constant  expectation  of  it.  The  long 
delay  that  has  happened  to  the  restoration  of  your  plate  has 
given  me  much  concern,  and  I  now  feel  a  proportionate 
pleasure  in  fulfilling  what  was  my  first  intention.  My  motive 
for  landing  at  your  estate. in  Scotland  was  to  take  you  as  an 
hostage  for  the  lives  and  liberty  of  a  number  of  the  citizens 
of  America,  who  had  been  taken  in  war  on  the  ocean,  and 
committed  to  British  prisons,  under  an  act  of  parliament,  as 
traitors,  pirates,  and  felons.  You  observed  to  Mr.  Alexander, 
that  *  my  idea  was  a  mistaken  one,  because  you  were  not, 
(as  I  had  supposed)  in  favour  with  the  British  ministry,  who 
knew  that  you  favoured  the  cause  of  liberty.1  On  that  account 
I  am  glad  that  you  were  absent  from  your  estate  when  I 
landed  there,  as  I  bore  no  personal  enmity,  but  the  contrary, 
towards  you.  I  afterwards  had  the  happiness  to  redeem  my 
fellow-citizens  from  Britain,  by  means  far  more  glorious  than 
through  the  medium  of  any  single  hostage. 

"As  I  have  endeavoured  to  serve  the  cause  of  liberty, 
through  every  stage  of  the  American  revolution,  and  sacri 
ficed  to  it  my  private  ease,  a  part  of  my  fortune,  and  some 
of  my  blood,  I  could  have  no  selfish  motive  in  permitting  my 
people  to  demand  and  carry  off  your  plate*  My  sole  induce 
ment  was  to  turn  their  attention  and  stop  their  rage  from 
breaking  out,  and  retaliating  on  your  house  and  effects  the 
too  wanton  burnings  and  desolation  that  had  been  committed 
against  their  relations  and  fellow-citizens  in  America  by  the 
British ;  of  which,  I  assure,  you  would  have  felt  the  severe 
consequences  had  I  not  fallen  on  an  expedient  to  prevent  it, 
and  hurried  my  people  away  before  they  had  time  for  farther 
reflection.  As  you  were  so  obliging  as  to  say  to  Mr.  Alex 
ander,  that  « my  people  behaved  with  great  decency  at  your 
house,'  I  ask  the  favour  of  you  to  announce  that  circumstance 
to  the  public. 

"  I  am,  my  Lord,  wishing  you  always  perfect  freedom  and 
happiness,"  &c.  &c. 

7  «  PAUL  JONES." 


74  THE  EARL'S  ANSWER. 

The  answer  that  Jones  received  next  year  from  the  Earl 
was  some  indemnification  for  his  trouble  and  anxiety : — 

"  LONDON,  4th  August,  1785. 

"  SIR, 

"  I  received  the  letter  you  wrote  me  at  the  time  you  sent 
off  my  plate,  in  order  for  restoring  it.  Had  I  known  where 
to  direct  a  letter  to  you  at  the  time  it  arrived  in  Scotland,  I 
would  have  then  wrote  to  you ;  but  not  knowing  it,  nor  find 
ing  that  any  of  my  acquaintance  at  Edinburgh  knew  it,  I  was 
obliged  to  delay  writing  till  I  came  here,  when,  by  means  of 
a  gentleman  connected  with  America,  I  was  told  Mr.  Le 
Grand  was  your  banker  at  Paris,  and  would  take  proper  care 
of  a  letter  for  you ;  therefore  I  enclose  this  to  him. 

"  Notwithstanding  all  the  precautions  you  took  for  the  easy 
and  uninterrupted  conveyance  of  the  plate,  yet  it  met  with 
considerable  delays,  first  at  Calais,  next  at  Dover,  then  at 
London.  However,  it  at  last  arrived  at  Dumfries,  and,  I 
dare  say,  quite  safe,  though  as  yet  I  have  not  seen  it,  being 
then  at  Edinburgh.  I  intended  to  have  put  an  article  in  the 
newspapers  about  your  having  returned  it ;  but  before  I  was 
informed  of  its  being  arrived,  some  of  your  friends,  I  suppose, 
had  put  it  in  the  Dumfries  newspaper,  whence  it  was  imme 
diately  copied  into  the  Edinburgh  papers,  and  thence  into  the 
London  ones. 

"  Since  that  time  I  have  mentioned  it  to  many  people  of 
fashion  ;  and  on  all  occasions,  Sir,  both  now  and  formerly,  I 
have  done  you  the  justice  to  tell,  that  you  made  an  offer  of 
returning  the  plate  very  soon  after  your  return  to  Brest,  and 
although  you  yourself  were  not  at  my  house,  but  remained  at 
the  shore  with  your  boat,  that  yet  you  had  your  officers  and 
men  in  such  extraordinary  good  discipline,  that  you  having 
given  them  the  strictest  orders  to  behave  well,  to  do  no  injury 
of  any  kind,  to  make  no  search,  but  only  to  bring  off  what 
plate  was  given  them  ;  that  in  reality  they  did  exactly  as 


THE  EARL'S  ANSWER.  75 

ordered,  and  that  not  one  man  offered  to  stir  from  his  post, 
on  the  outside  of  the  house,  nor  entered  the  doors,  nor  said  an 
uncivil  word ;  that  the  two  officers  stood  not  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  in  the  parlour  and  butler's  pantry  while  the  butler  got 
the  plate  together ;  behaved  politely,  and  asked  for  nothing 
but  the  plate,  and  instantly  marched  their  men  off  in  regular 
order ;  and  that  both'  officers  and  men  behaved  in  all  respects 
so  well,  that  it  would  have  done  credit  to  the  best-disciplined 
troops  whatever.  Some  of  the  English  newspapers  at  that 
time  having  put  in  confused  accounts  of  your  expedition  to 
Whitehaven  and  Scotland,  I  ordered  a  proper  one  of  what 
happened  in  Scotland  to  be  put  in  the  London  newspapers, 
by  a  gentleman  who  was  then  at  my  house,  by  which  the 
good  conduct  and  civil  behaviour  of  your  officers  and  men 
were  done  justice  to,  and  attributed  to  your  orders,  and  the 
good  discipline  you  maintained  over  your  people. 
"  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

"  SELKIRK." 

The  plate   was   returned  exactly  as   it  had  been   taken 
away. 


76 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

HE  success  of  Jones,  and  the 
temporary  vogue  into  which  it 
raised  him  at  the  court,  of 
;  France  on  his  return  to  Brest, 
idid  not  free  him  from  many 
embarrassments.  To  provide 
for  his  crew,  to  secure  the 
itwo  hundred  prisoners  he  had 
j  brought  in,  and  to  obtain  a  new 
command  for  himself,  all  occupied  and  distracted  his  atten 
tion  at  the  same  time.  The  dilatoriness  or  cupidity  of  the 
prize-agents,  and  the  straitened  funds  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Commissioners,  excited  open  discontents  among  the  seamen, 
— who,  after  their  exertions,  saw  themselves  neglected  and 
forgotten,  and  even  in  want  of  the  common  necessaries  of 
food  and  clothing.  Captain  Jones  had  now  obtained  the  right 
of  speaking  out,  and  also  of  being  heard ;  and  he  used  his 
newly-acquired  influence  with  equal  anxiety  for  the  comfort 
of  his  own  men,  and  of  the  sick,  wounded,  and  prisoners 
whom  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed  at  his  mercy. 

Before  quitting  America,  Jones  had,  under  the  sanction  of 
the  Marine  Committee,  made  himself  accountable  to  his 
crew  for  the  regular  payment  of  their  w7ages.  With  this 
circumstance  Mr.  Lee,  one  of  the  Commissioners,  who  after 
wards  gave  both  of  his  own  colleagues  much  trouble,  was 
acquainted ;  yet  he  concurred  with  those  who  were  in  igno 
rance  of  this  arrangement  in  dishonouring  a  draft  which 
Jones  made  on  the  Commissioners  on  his  return  to  Brest, 


JONES  PROTECTS  HIS  PRISONERS.  77 

under  circumstances  which  should  have  compelled  them  to 
attend  to  his  wants,  in  humanity  and  good  policy  as  well  as 
justice.  "  I  wras  left,"  he  says,  "  with  two  hundred  prisoners 
of  war,  a  number  of  sick  and  wounded,  an  almost  naked 
crew,  and  a  ship,  after  a  severe  engagement,  in  want  of 
stores  and  provisons,  from  the  9th  May  till  the  13th  of  June, 
destitute  of  any  public  support."  "  To  make  me  completely 
wretched,"  he  says,  on  another  occasion,  "  M.  de  Bersolle 
has  told  me  that  he  now  stops  his  hand,  not  only  of  the 
necessary  articles  to  refit  the  ship,  but  also  of  the  daily  provi 
sions.  I  know  not  where  to  find  to-morrow's  dinner  for  the 
great  number  of  mouths  that  depend  on  me  for  food.  Are 
the  continental  ships  of  war  to  depend  on  the  sale  of  their 
prizes  for  a  daily  dinner  to  their  men  ?  Publish  it  riot  in  Gath!" 

But  from  all  these  pressing  difficulties  Jones  contrived  to 
extricate  himself  with  little  aid,  in  the  first  instance,  from  the 
harassed  Commissioners,  who,  at  this  time,  had  their  hands 
full  of  business,  and  their  purses  empty  of  money. 

Shortly  afterwards  we  find  Captain  Jones  interfering  to 
protect  his  prisoners  from  the  rapacity  of  the  persons  who 
were  intrusted  with  supplying  their  wants.  By  his  exertions 
and  credit  with  the  French  govermerit  and  its  functionaries, 
he  had  already  ensured  their  safe  custody  in  order  to  an 
exchange, — an  object  for  which  Franklin  was  now  negotia 
ting,  and  which  at  all  times  was  one  of  prime  importance  to 
Jones,  as  appears  on  the  face  of  his  whole  correspondence. 
The  letter  enclosing  the  memorial  of  his  prisoners  is  very 
creditable  to  his  feelings. 

"  The  fellow,"  he  says,  "  who  holds  the  rod  over  their 
wretched  heads,  has  menaced  them  *  if  they  dare  to  com 
plain,'  and  would  have  intercepted  their  memorial,  had  I  not 
prevented  it.  This  Riou  is  the  scoundrel  who,  by  his  false 
hood,  promoted  discord  in  the  Ranger,  and  got  the  deluded 
people  to  appoint  him  their  particular  agent.  Before  that 
time  he  never  could  call  twenty  louis  his  own, — and  he  is 
7* 


78     JONES'S  LETTER  TO  THE  FRENCH  OFFICERS. 

now  too  rich  for  his  former  profession  of  King's  interpreter. 
He  does  not  deny  that  he  is  a  scoundrel,  for  so  I  have  called 
him  more  than  once  before  witnesses,  and  so  every  person  of 
sense  thinks  him  at  Brest.  If  the  exchange  of  prisoners  does 
not  take  place  immediately,  I  conceive  it  would  be  the  most 
eligible  method  to  have  the  people  on  board  the  Patience 
landed.  They  are  convinced  that  if  you  should  think  fit  to 
return  them  an  answer,  it  will  never  come  to  their  hands 
through  the  means  of  any  person  who  calls  himself  an  agent 
at  Brest,  and  they  having  full  confidence  in  the  honour  and 
humanity  of  Father  John,  professor  of  English,  and  chaplain 
to  Comte  D'Orvilliers  at  Brest,  have  desired  me  to  inform 
you,  that  through  that  gentleman  they  beg  you  to  favour 
them  with  an  answer.  In  granting  their  request  you  will 
confer  a  very  singular  obligation  on  me." 

Though  Jones  had  just  cause  of  anger  in  the  hardship  and 
indignity  to  which  he  was  exposed  by  the  Commissioners 
dishonouring  his  drafts,  and  in  the  conduct  of  the  prize-agents, 
and  the  discontents  which  in  consequence  arose  among  his 
crew,  who  naturally  all  looked  to  him  for  justice,  if  not 
reward,  he  was  cheered  by  many  marks  of  private  friendship 
and  esteem.  The  Comte  D'Orvilliers,  commander-in-chief 
at  Brest,  showed  him  the  utmost  kindness,  untinctured  by  any 
of  that  professional  jealousy  with  which  he  was  afterwards 
regarded  by  the  horde  of  inferior  officers  of  the  French  navy. 
The  Due  de  Chartres  seemed  friendly ;  and,  above  all,  the 
wise  and  venerable  Franklin,  who,  from  first  to  last,  appears 
to  have  appreciated  his  character,  proved  a  friend  as  steady 
as  he  was  judicious. 

Jones  had  not  been  three  wreeks  in  Brest  when  Franklin 
wrote  him,  congratulating  him  on  his  late  success,  and  pro 
posing  another  expedition.  "  The  Jersey  privateers,"  he 
says,  "  do  us  a  great  deal  of  mischief  by  intercepting  our 
supplies.  It  has  been  mentioned  to  me,  that  your  small  ves 
sel,  commanded  by  so  brave  an  officer,  might  render  great 


DR.  FRANKLIN'S  PROPOSAL.  79 

service,  by  following  them  where  greater  ships  dare  not  ven 
ture  their  bottoms ;  or,  being  accompanied  and  supported  by 
some  frigates  from  Brest,  at  a  proper  distance,  might  draw 
them  out  and  then  take  them.  I  wish  you  to  consider  of 
this,  as  it  comes  from  high  authority''' 

To  be  made  the  decoy-duck  of  French  frigates  could  not 
be  peculiarly  agreeable  to  a  man  whose  first  and  vehement 
object  at  all  times  was  a  "  separate  command,"  "  unlimited 
orders,"  and  to  be  his  "own  counsellor."  Yet  in  reply  he  says, 
"  Nothing  could  give  me  more  pleasure  than  to  render  essen 
tial  service  to  America  in  any  way  which  you  may  find 
expedient."  He  then  hints  his  desire  of  still  obtaining  the 
command  of  the  ship  building  at  Amsterdam.  "  I  demand 
nothing,"  he  adds,  "  and  though  I  know  that  it  was  the  inten 
tion  of  Congress  to  give  me  that  ship,  I  am  now  ready  to  go 
wherever  the  service  calls  me."  "  If  two  or  three  fast-sailing 
ships  could  be  collected  together,  there  is  a  great  choice  of 
private  enterprises  that  I  can  name,  some  of  which  might 
effectually  succeed,  and  would  be  far  more  for  the  interest 
and  honour  of  America  than  cruising  with  twice  the  force. 
It  appears  to  me  to  be  the  province  of  our  infant  navy  to 
surprise  and  spread  alarms  with  fast-sailing  ships.  When  we 
grow  stronger  we  can  meet  their  [the  British]  fleets,  and  dis 
pute  with  them  the  sovereignty  of  the  ocean." 

These  plans  and  speculations  were  forgotten  in  the  more 
dazzling  prospects  which  the  following  letter  from  Franklin 
opened  to  Jones  ;  though  what  at  first  promised  so  fair,  after 
wards  became  to  him  the  source  of  much  trouble  and  vexa 
tion  : — 

(Private.) 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  of  informing  you,  that  it  is  proposed 
to  give  you  the  command  of  the  great  ship  we  have  built  at 
Amsterdam.  By  what  you  wrote  to  us  formerly,  I  have 


80  DR.  FRANKLIN'S  LETTER. 

ventured  to  say  in  your  behalf,  that  this  proposition  would  be 
agreeable  to  you.  You  will  immediately  let  me  know  your 
resolution ;  which,  that  you  may  be  more  clear  in  taking,  I 
must  inform  you  of  some  circumstances.  She  is  at  present 
the  property  of  the  king ;  but  as  there  is  no  war  yet  declared, 
you  will  have  the  commission  and  flag  of  the  States,  and  act 
under  their  orders  and  laws.  The  Prince  de  Nassau  will 
make  the  cruise  with  you.  She  is  to  be  brought  here  under 
cover  as  a  French  merchantman,  to  be  equipped  and  manned 
in  France.  We  hope  to  exchange  your  prisoners  for  as 
many  American  sailors ;  but  if  that  fails,  you  have  your  pre 
sent  crew  to  be  made  up  here  with  other  nations  and  French. 
The  other  Commissioners  are  not  acquainted  with  this  propo 
sition  as  yet ;  and  you  see  by  the  nature  of  it,  that  it  neces 
sary  to  be  kept  a  secret  till  we  have  got  the  vessel  here,  for 
fear  of  difficulties  in  Holland,  and  interception ;  you  will 
therefore  direct  your  answer  to  me  alone.  It  being  desired 
that  the  affair  should  rest  between  you  and  me,  perhaps  it 
may  be  best  for  you  to  take  a  trip  up  here  to  concert  matters, 
if  in  general  you  approve  the  idea. 

"  I  wras  much  pleased  with  reading  your  journal,  which  we 
received  yesterday." 

A  few  days  after  this,  Franklin  had  this  affair  so  well  ma 
tured  as  to  write  again  in  the  following  terms : 

"PASSY,  June  10th,  1778. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  received  yours  of  1st  instant,  with  the  papers  enclosed, 
which  I  have  shown  to  the  other  Commissioners,  but  have 
not  yet  had  their  opinion  of  them  ;  only  I  know  that  they  had 
before  (in  consideration  of  the  disposition  and  uneasiness  of 
your  people)  expressed  an  inclination  to  order  your  ship 
directly  back  to  America.  You  wrill  judge  from  what  follows, 
whether  it  will  not  be  advisable  for  you  to  propose  their  send- 


FRANKLIN'S  LETTER.  81 

ing  her  back  with  her  people,  and  under  some  other  command. 
In  consequence  of  the  high  opinion  the  Minister  of  the  Marine 
has  of  your  conduct  and  bravery,  it  is  now  settled  (observe, 
that  is  to  be  a  secret  between  us,  I  being  expressly  enjoined 
not  to  communicate  it  to  any  other  person,)  that  you  are  to 
have  the  frigate  from  Holland,  which  actually  belongs  to 
government,  and  will  be  furnished  with  as  many  good  French 
seamen  as  you  shall  require.  But  you  are  to  act  under  Con 
gress  commission.  As  you  may  like  to  have  a  number  of 
Americans,  and  your  own  are  home-sick,  it  is  proposed  to 
give  you  as  many  as  you  can  engage  out  of  two  hundred 
prisoners,  which  the  ministry  of  Britain  have  at  length  agreed 
to  give  us  in  exchange  for  those  you  have  in  your  hands. 
They  propose  to  make  the  exchange  at  Calais,  where  they  are 
to  bring  the  Americans,  Nothing  is  wanting  to  this  but  a  list 
of  yours,  containing  their  names  and  rank  ;  immediately  on  the 
receipt  of  which  an  equal  number  are  to  be  prepared,  and 
sent  in  a  ship  to  that  port,  where  yours  are  to  meet  them. 

"  If  by  this  means  you  can  get  a  good  new  crew,  I  think  it 
would  be  best  that  you  are  quite  free  of  the  old ;  for  a  mix 
ture  might  introduce  the  infection  of  that  sickness  you  com 
plain  of.  But  this  may  be  left  to  your  own  discretion.  Per 
haps  we  shall  join  you  with  the  Providence.  Captain  Whipple, 
a  new  continental  ship  of  30  guns,  which  in  coming  out  of  the 
river  of  Providence,  gave  the  two  frigates  that  were  pasted 
to  intercept  her  each  of  them  so  heavy  a  dose  of  her  18  and 
12  pounders,  that  they  had  not  the  courage,  or  were  not  able, 
to  pursue  her.  It  seems  to  be  desired  that  you  will  step  up 
to  Versailles,  (where  one  will  meet  you,)  in  order  to  such  a 
settlement  of  matters  and  plans  with  those  who  have  the  di 
rection  as  cannot  well  be  done  by  letter.  I  wish  it  may  be 
convenient  to  you  to  do  it  immediately. 

"  The  project  of  giving  you  the  command  of  this  ship 
pleases  me  the  more,  as  it  is  a  probable  opening  to  the  higher 
preferment  you  so  justly  merit." 


82  LETTER  TO  THE  FRENCH  MINISTER. 

Jones  must  have  been  exceedingly  gratified  by  this  infor 
mation.  It  was  placing  him  at  once  at  the  summit  of  his 
wishes.  The  French  Minister  of  Marine  notified  the  wishes 
of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  to  employ  the  American  cap 
tain;  and  the  Commissioners  as  formally  signified  their 
acquiescence.  They  say,  "  We  readily  consent  that  he  should 
be  at  your  Excellency's  disposition,  and  shall  be  happy  if  his 
services  may  be  in  any  respect  useful  to  the  designs  your  Ex 
cellency  has  in  contemplation." 

Though  Jones  had  already  some  experience  of  Marine 
Committees,  and  of  the  delays  and  insolence  of  office,  it  was 
quite  impossible  that  he  could  have  anticipated  all  the  torture 
and  vexation  laid  up  in  store  for  him  by  a  proposal  which  at 
first  sight  appeared  so  fair  and  flattering.  He  made  his  ac 
knowledgments  to  the  minister  in  his  best  style  ;  but  probably 
thought  less  of  the  "  dignity  of  human  nature,"  the  slang  of 
that  day,  long  before  all  official  connexion  was  finished 
between  them,  "  I  have  no  doubt,"  he  says,  "  that  many 
projects  might  be  formed  from  the  hints  which  I  had  the 
honour  of  sending  lately  for  your  inspection :  had  I  been  in 
trusted  with  the  chief  command,  I  would  have  held  myself 
responsible  for  consequences." 

"  I  am  bound  in  honour  to  communicate  faithfully  to  Con 
gress  the  generous  offer  which  the  King  now  makes,  of  lend 
ing  the  Epervier  in  the  meantime  to  be  employed  under  my 
command,  under  the  flag  of  America.  I  have  now  under  my 
command  a  ship  bound  to  America.  On  my  arrival  there, 
from  the  former  confidence  of  Congress,  I  have  reason  to 
expect  an  immediate  removal  into  one  of  their  best  ships.  I 
have  reason  to  expect  the  chief  command  of  the  first  squadron 
destined  for  an  expedition,  having  in  my  possession  several 
similar  appointments ;  and  when  Congress  see  fit  to  appoint 
admirals,  I  have  assurance  that  my  name  will  not  be  forgot. 
These  are  flattering  prospects  to  a  man  who  has  drawn  his 
swTord  only  upon  principles  of  philanthropy,  and  in  support  of 


BOLD  PROJECTS.  83 

the  dignity  of  human  nature.  But  as  I  prefer  a  solid  to  a 
shining  reputation,  a  useful  to  a  splendid  command,  I  hold 
myself  ready,  with  the  approbation  of  the  Commissioners,  to 
be  governed  by  you  in  any  measures  that  may  tend  to  distress 
and  humble  the  common  enemy." 

This  letter,  in  several  of  its  hints,  shows  some  address  on 
the  part  of  Jones,  who,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  seldom,  un 
less  stirred  by  indignation  or  a  sense  of  injury,  slipped  the 
opportunity  of  forwarding  his  own  interests  by  an  opportune 
hint  or  leading  suggestion :  of  hints  and  projects  of  a  public 
nature  his  brain  was  at  all  times  singularly  fertile.  At  this 
moment  of  excitement  it  teemed  with  bold  ideas  or  fancies. 
To  effect  the  destruction  of  Whitehaven  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
one  project.  To  take  the  Bank  of  Ayr,  destroy  that  town, 
and  probably  Greenock  and  Port-Glasgow,  with  the  shipping 
in  the  Clyde,  was  a  yet  bolder  design.  "  Much,"  he  says, 
"  might  be  done  in  Ireland,  where  ships  worth  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  livres,  or  even  two  hundred  thousand,  might 
be  seized, — London. might  be  distressed,  by  cutting  off  the 
supply  of  coals  carried  from  Newcastle, — the  fishing  at 
Campbelton  might  be  destroyed,  and  many  towns  on  the 
north-east  coasts  of  England  and  Scotland  might  be  burnt  or 
laid  under  contribution."  A  more  feasible  project  was  the 
capture  or  destruction  of  the  Baltic  fleet.  "  The  success  of 
any  of  these,  or  of  like  enterprises,"  says  Jones,  in  a  letter  to 
the  French  Minister  of  Marine,  "  W7ill  depend  in  surprising 
well,  and  on  despatch  both  in  the  attack  and  in  the  retreat ; 
therefore  it  is  necessary  the  ships  should  sail  fast,  and  that 
their  forces  should  be  sufficient  to  repel  any  of  the  enemy's 
cruising  frigates,  two  of  which  may  perhaps  be  met  at  a  time. 
It  is  scarcely  conceivable  how  great  a  panic  the  success  of 
any  one  of  these  projects  would  occasion  in  England.  It 
would  convince  the  world  that  their  coasts  are  vulnerable, 
and  would,  consequently,  hurt  their  public  credit. 


84  LIEUTENANT  SIMPSON. 

"  If  alarming  the  coast  of  Britain  should  be  thought  inex 
pedient,  to  intercept  the  enemy's  West  India  or  Baltic  fleets, 
or  their  Hudson's  Bay  ships,  or  to  destroy  their  Greenland 
fishery,  are  capital  objects." 

There  is  much  in  these  plans  that  must  either  have  been 
conceived  in  ignorance,  or  suggested  by  Jones  for  the  pur 
pose  of  merely  amusing,  or  of  quickening  the  motions  of  the 
French  marine  department.  Even  when,  long  afterwards,  a 
force  was  obtained,  not  one  of  them  was  attempted  save  the 
abortive  attack  on  Leith. 

It  has  been  noticed,  that,  after  the  engagement  with  the 
Drake,  Captain  Jones  ordered  Lieutenant  Simpson  under 
arrest  for  what  appeared  very  satisfactory  reasons.  He  had 
afterwards  been  annoyed  by  the  Commissioners'  dishonouring 
his  draft,  and  he  was  now  enraged  by  their  conduct  regard 
ing  Simpson,  the  offending  officer.  Indeed  no  excuse  can  be 
offered  for  their  proceedings,  save  that  these  distracted  Com 
missioners  had  not  power  at  all  times  to  administer  rigid  jus 
tice,  whatever  might  have  been  their  wishes.  The  account 
of  this  proceeding  is  given  in  the  words  of  the  memorial, 
long  afterwards  prepared  by  Captain  Jones  for  the  informa 
tion  of  the  King  of  France.  It  was  an  insult  the  memory  of 
which  did  riot  soon  leave  him. 

"  The  lieutenant  under  arrest  on  board  the  Drake  had  con 
stant  intercourse  with  the  crew ;  who  thereby  became  so 
insolent  as  to  refuse  duty,  and  go  all  hands  below  repeatedly 
before  the  captain's  face.  It  was  impossible  to  trifle  at  that 
time,  as  Count  D'Orvilliers  had  assured  Captain  Jones,  unless 
he  could  get  the  Drake  ready  to  transport  the  prisoners  to 
America  before  orders  arrived  from  Court,  they  would  in  all 
probability  be  given  up  without  an  exchange,  to  avoid  imme 
diate  war  with  England.  It  therefore  became  impossible  to 
suffer  the  lieutenant  to  remain  any  longer  among  them. 
Captain  Jones  had  him  removed  to  the  ship  called  the  Admi 
ral,  where  the  French  confine  even  the  first  officers  in  the 


LETTER  TO  THE  COMMISSIONERS.  35 

service.  He  had  there  a  good  chamber  to  himself,  and 
liberty  to  walk  the  deck.  The  lieutenant  endeavoured  to 
desert  out  of  the  Admiral,  and  behaved  in  a  manner  so 
extravagant,  that  Count  D'Orvilliers  (without  the  knowledge 
of  Captain  Jones)  ordered  him  to  the  prison  of  the  port, 
where  he  also  had  a  good  chamber,  and  Captain  Jones  paid 
his  expenses  out  of  his  own  pocket. 

"  About  this  time  Captain  Jones,  finding  the  lieutenant 
appeared  more  reasonable  than  formerly,  took  his  parole  in 
writing,  not  to  serve  again  in  the  navy  before  he  was  acquit 
ted  by  a  court-martial,  and  set  him  at  liberty.  A  day  or 
two  afterwards  the  Commissioners  thought  fit  to  interfere 
respecting  the  lieutenant  of  the  Ranger,  which,  it  is  presumed, 
they  had  no  authority  to  do,  as  it  laid  the  axe  to  the  root  of 
subordination." 

On  returning  from  Versailles,  whither  he  had  gone,  as  has 
been  noticed,  on  the  invitation  of  Franklin,  Captain  Jones 
feeling  himself  dreadfully  aggrieved,  wrote  as  follows : — 

"  BREST,  August  13th,  1778. 
"  GENTLEMEN, 

"  I  have  been  five  days  in  this  place  since  my  return  from 
Passy,  during  which  time  I  have  neither  seen  nor  heard  from 
Lieutenant  Simpson ;  but  Mr.  Hill,  who  was  last  winter  at 
Passy,  and  who  sailed  with  me  from  Nantes,  informs  me 
truly,  that  it  is  generally  reported  in  the  Ranger,  and  of 
course  throughout  the  French  fleet,  and  on  shore,  that  I  am 
turned  out  of  the  service ;  that  you,  gentlemen,  have  given 
Mr.  Simpson  my  place  with  a  captain's  commission,  and  that 
my  letter  to  you  of  the  16th  July  was  involuntary  on  my 
part,  and  in  obedience  only  to  your  orders. 

"  That  these  reports  prevail  is  not  an  idle  conjecture,  but 

a  melancholy  fact.     Therefore  I  beseech  you, — I  demand  of 

you  to  afford  me  redress, — redress  by  a  court-martial ;  to 

form  which  we  have  now,  with  the  assistance  of  Captain 

8 


86  DELAYS. 

Hinman,  Captain  Read,  as  also  them  at  Nantes,  a  sufficient 
number  of  officers  in  France,  exclusive  of  myself.  The 
Providence  and  Britain  are  expected  here  very  soon  from 
Nantes,  and  I  am  certain  that  they  neither  can  nor  will  again 
depart,  before  my  friend  Captain  Hinman  can  come  down  here; 
and  it  is  his  unquestioned  right  to  succeed  me  in  the  Ranger. 

"  I  have  faithfully  and  personally  supported  and  fought  the 
dignified  cause  of  human  nature  ever  since  the  American 
banners  first  waved  on  the  Delaware  and  on  the  ocean. 
This  I  did  when  that  man  did  not  call  himself  a  republican, 
but  left  the  continent,  and  served  its  enemies ;  this  I  did  when 
this  man  appeared  backward,  arid  did  not  support  me  as  he 
ought. 

"  I  conclude  by  requesting  you  to  call  before  you,  and 
examine  for  your  own  satisfaction,  Mr.  Edward  Meyers, 
who  is  now  at  the  house  of  the  Swedish  Ambassador,  and 
who,  having  been  with  me  as  a  volunteer,  can  and  will,  1  am 
persuaded,  represent  to  you  the  conduct  of  the  officers  and 
men  towards  me,  both  before  I  left  Brest,  and  afterwards  in 
the  Irish  Channel,  as  well  as  my  conduct  towards  them. — I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &c. 

"  Their  excellencies  the 

American  Plenipotentiaries." 

He  received  no  immediate  satisfaction,  and  resolved  to 
digest  his  chagrin  as  he  best  could,  and  at  least  avoid  the 
odium  of  a  squabble  among  the  Americans  in  France. 

In  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  he,  however,  received 
a  slight  atonement  to  his  wounded  feelings,  in  an  official 
letter  signed  by  Franklin  and  Adams,  stating,  that  as  his 
removal  from  the  Ranger,  and  the  appointment  of  Lieutenant 
Simpson  to  the  command  of  that  ship,  might  be  liable  to 
misrepresentations  and  misinterpretations,  they  certified  it  to 
be  done  by  them,  that,  on  the  request  of  M.  de  Sartine,  he 
might  be  employed  on  some  public  service ;  and  that  Simp- 


LETTER  TO  THE  MINISTER.  87 

son  had  been  appointed  by  his  (Jones's)  consent  after  he  had 
released  that  officer  from  an  arrest  under  which  he  had 
placed  him. 

The  prospect  of  immediate  active  service,  of  getting  afloat 
with  unlimited  orders,  and  a  larger  force  than  he  had  ever 
yet  commanded,  so  flattering  and  near  in  July,  became  more 
doubtful  in  the  end  of  August ;  and  by  September,  as  war 
was  now  declared  with  England,  the  French  officers  were 
in  the  first  place  to  be  provided  for ;  and  the  promised,  or 
rather  offered,  frigates  dwindled  down  to  a  much  smaller 
force.  Even  that  was  delayed.  After  repeatedly  applying 
to  the  American  Commissioners,  and  using  all  the  personal 
influence  which  his  enlarged  acquaintance  in  the  court  circles 
enabled  him  to  obtain,  Jones  found  it  needful  to  remonstrate 
with  M.  de  Sartine.  He  had,  however,  lost  another  powerful 
hold  of  the  minister.  The  Prince  of  Nassau,  who  in  the 
outset  had  eagerly  desired  to  accompany  him  in  his  expedi 
tion,  either  from  caprice  or  change  of  views,  abandoned  the 
scheme,  without  scruple  or  apology,  and  to  the  letters  of 
Jones  did  not  even  deign  the  civility  of  a  reply. 

That  his  time  might  not  be  wholly  consumed  in  idleness, 
and  in  the  sickness  of  hope  deferred,  Jones  again  addressed 
the  minister  in  what  he  calls  "  an  explicit  letter,"  which  ex 
plains  his  situation  better  than  could  be  done  in  many  words. 

"BREST,  September  13th,  1778. 
"  HONOURED  SIR, 

"  When  his  Excellency  Doctor  Franklin  informed  me  that 
you  had  condescended  to  think  me  worthy  of  your  notice,  I 
took  such  pleasure  in  reflecting  on  the  happy  alliance  be 
tween  France  and  America,  that  I  was  really  flattered,  and 
entertained  the  most  grateful  sense  of  the  honour  which  you 
proposed  for  me,  as  well  as  the  favour  which  the  king  pro 
posed  for  America,  by  putting  so  fine  a  ship  of  war  as  the 
Indian  under  my  command,  and  under  its  flag,  with  unlimited 
orders. 


88  LETTER  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

"  In  obedience  to  your  desire,  I  came  to  Versailles,  and  was 
taught  to  believe  that  my  intended  ship  was  in  deep  water, 
and  ready  for  the  sea ;  but  when  the  Prince  (de  Nassau)  re 
turned,  I  received  from  him  a  different  account ;  I  was  told 
that  the  Indian  could  not  be  got  afloat  within  a  shorter  period 
than  three  months  at  the  approaching  equinox. 

"  To  employ  this  interval  usefully,  I  first  offered  to  go  from 
Brest  with  Count  D'Orvilliers,  as  a  volunteer,  which  you 
thought  fit  to  reject.  I  had  then  the  satisfaction  to  find  that 
you  approved  in  general  of  a  variety  of  hints  for  private 
enterprises  which  I  had  drawn  up  for  your  consideration,  and 
I  was  flattered  with  assurances  from  Messieurs  de  Chaumont 
and  Bandonin,  that  three  of  the  finest  frigates  in  France,  with 
two  tenders,  and  a  number  of  troops,  would  be  immediately 
put  under  my  command;  and  that  I  should  have  unlimited 
orders,  and  be  at  free  liberty  to  pursue  such  of  my  own  pro 
jects  as  I  thought  proper.  But  this  plan  fell  to  nothing  in  the 
moment  when  I  was  taught  to  think  that  nothing  was  wanting 
but  the  King's  signature. 

"  Another  much  inferior  armament  from  L'Orient  was  pro 
posed  to  be  put  under  my  command,  which  was  by  no  means 
equal  to  the  services  that  were  expected  from  it ;  for  speed 
and  force,  though  both  requisite,  were  both  wanting.  Happily 
for  me  this  also  failed,  and  I  was  thereby  saved  from  a  dread 
ful  prospect  of  ruin  and  dishonour. 

"  I  had  so  entire  a  reliance  that  you  would  desire  nothing 
of  me  inconsistent  with  my  honour  and  rank,  that  the  mo 
ment  you  required  me  to  come  down  here,  in  order  to  proceed 
round  to  St.  Malo,  though  I  had  received  no  written  orders, 
and  neither  knew  your  intention  respecting  my  destination  or 
command,  I  obeyed  with  such  haste,  that,  although  my  curi 
osity  led  me  to  look  at  the  armament  at  L'Orient,  yet  I  was 
but  three  days  from  Passy  till  I  reached  Brest.  Here  too  I 
drew  a  blank ;  but  when  I  saw  the  Lively,  it  was  no  disap 
pointment,  as  that  ship,  both  in  sailing  and  equipment,  is  far 
inferior  to  the  Ranger. 


LETTER  TO  THE  MINISTER.  89 

"  My  only  disappointment  here  was  my  being  precluded 
from  embarking  in  pursuit  of  marine  knowledge  with  Count 
D'Orvilliers,  who  did  not  sail  till  seven  days  after  my  return. 
He  is  my  friend,  and  expressed  his  wishes  for  my  company ; 
I  accompanied  him  out  of  the  road  when  the  fleet  sailed ; 
and  he  always  lamented  that  neither  himself  nor  any  person 
in  authority  in  Brest  had  received  from  you  any  order  that 
mentioned  my  name.  I  am  astonished  therefore  to  be  in 
formed  that  you  attribute  my  not  being  in  the  fleet  to  my  stay 
at  L'Orient. 

"  1  arn  not  a  mere  adventurer  of  fortune.  Stimulated  by 
principles  of  reason  and  philanthropy,  I  laid  aside  my  enjoy 
ments  in  private  life,  and  embarked  under  the  flag  of  America 
when  it  was  first  displayed.  In  that  line  my  desire  of  fame 
is  infinite,  and  1  must  not  now  so  far  forget  my  own  honour, 
and  what  I  owe  to  my  friends  and  America,  as  to  remain 
inactive. 

"  My  rank  knows  no  superior  in  the  American  marine  :  I 
have  long  since  been  appointed  to  command  an  expedition  with 
five  of  its  ships,  and  I  can  receive  orders  from  no  junior  or 
inferior  officer  whatever. 

"  I  have  been  here  in  the  most  tormenting  suspense  for 
more  than  a  month  since  my  return  ;  and  agreeable  to  your 
desire,  as  mentioned  to  me  by  Monsieur  Chaumont,  a  lieu 
tenant  has  been  appointed,  and  is  with  me,  who  speaks  the 
French  as  well  as  the  English.  Circular  letters  have  been 
written,  and  sent  the  8th  of  last  month  from  the  English  Ad 
miralty,  because  they  expected  me  to  pay  another  visit  with 
four  ships.  Therefore  I  trust  that,  if  the  Indian  is  not  to  be 
got  out,  you  will  not,  at  the  approaching  season,  substitute  a 
force  that  is  not  at  least  equal  both  in  strength  and  sailing  to 
any  of  the  enemy's  cruising  ships. 

"  I  do  not  wish  to  interfere  with  the  harmony  of  the  French 
marine ;  but  if  I  am  still  thought  worthy  of  your  attention, 
I  shall  hope  for  a  separate  command,  with  liberal  orders.  If, 
8* 


90  DELAYS. 

on  the  contrary,  you  should  now  have  no  further  occasion  for 
my  services,  the  only  favour  I  can  ask  is,  that  you  will  bestow 
on  me  the  Alert,  with  a  few  seamen,  and  permit  me  to  return, 
and  carry  with  me  your  good  opinion  in  that  small  vessel, 
before  the  winter,  to  America." 

This  letter  was  submitted  to  the  Due  de  Rochefoucault,  and 
enclosed  to  Franklin,  who,  while  he  omitted  no  opportunity 
of  serving  Jones,  still  counselled  patience.  To  Franklin  he 
says,  "  It  is  in  vain  for  the  minister  to  pretend  that  he  has 
not  ships  to  bestow.  I  know  the  contrary.  He  has  bestowed 
the  Renommee  and  others  here  since  my  return  ;  and  there  are 
yet  several  new  ships  unbestowed  at  St.  Malo  and  elsewhere. 
I  know  too,  that  unless  the  States  of  Holland  oppose  it,  the 
Indian  can  be  got  afloat  with  a  tenth  part  of  the  difficulty 
that  has  been  represented.  If  I  was  worth  his  notice  at  the 
beginning  I  am  not  less  so  now.  After  all,  you  have  desired 
me  to  have  patience,  and  I  promise  you  that  I  will  wait  your 
kind  advice,  and  take  no  step  without  your  approbation.  If 
it  were  consistent  and  convenient  for  you  to  see  M.  de  Sartine, 
I  should  hope  that  such  an  explanation  would  be  the  conse 
quence  as  might  remove  every  cause  of  uneasiness." 

Day  after  day  he  continued  to  write  to  Franklin,  mention 
ing  vessels  that  he  might  command  if  the  minister  were  sin 
cere  in  his  professions.  Meanwhile  Franklin  procured  the 
minister's  order  that  he  should  be  received  on  board  the  French 
fleet ;  but,  either  intentionally  or  by  accident,  it  came  too  late 
to  admit  of  his  embarking  to  gain  that  knowledge  of  naval 
tactics,  and  of  governing  a  fleet,  which  was  his  object.  It 
was  indeed  surmised  that  the  jealousy  of  the  French  service 
was  the  true  obstacle,  both  to  his  promised  command  and 
desire  of  increasing  his  knowledge  of  his  profession  on  the 
great  scale.  "  I  think  of  going' to  L'Orient,"  he  says,  "being 
heartily  sick  of  Brest,  and  an  eyesore  to  the  marine."  In 
another  letter  he  says,  "  I  have  excited  the  jealousy  of  many 
officers  in  our  young  navy,  because  I  have  pursued  honour 
while  they  sought  after  profit." 


DELAYS.  9! 

Gradually  as  his  hopes  decreased,  Jones  lowered  his  de 
mands.  He  proposed  many  different  vessels,  the  chief  object 
being  fast-sailing  ships. 

"  I  wish  to  have  no  connexion  with  any  ship  that  does  not 
sail  fast,"  he  says,  "  for  I  intend  to  go  in  harm's  way.  You 
know,  I  believe,  that  this  is  not  every  one's  intention ;  there 
fore  buy  a  frigate  that  sails  fast,  and  that  is  sufficiently  large 
to  carry  twenty-six  or  twenty-eight  guns  on  one  deck."  "  I 
have,  to  show  my  gratitude  to  France,"  he  adds,  "  lost  .so 
much  time,  and  with  it  such  opportunities  as  I  cannot  regain, 
— I  have  almost  half  killed  myself  with  grief.  Give  me  but 
an  assurance  that  the  command  of  the  Indian  will  be  reserved 
for  me,  and  bestowed  on  no  other  person  on  any  pretence 
whatsoever,  and  I  will  say  I  am  satisfied.  This  I  pledge 
myself  will  be  no  loss  to  France — America  is  not  ungrateful. 
The  noble-minded  Congress  know  not  the  little  mean  distinc 
tions  of  climate  or  place  of  nativity,  nor  have  they  adopted 
any  rule  which  can  preclude  them  from  encouraging  or  re 
warding  the  merit  of  a  stranger,  by  raising  him  even  to  the 
first  posts  of  honour.  In  the  army  there  are  many  instances 
of  this.  In  the  navy,  young  as  it  is,  it  gives  me  particular 
pleasure  to  inform  you  that  Congress  have  given  the  command 
of  the  best  ship  in  their  service  to  a  French  officer,  and  called 
the  ship  the  Alliance." 

Many  vessels  were  proposed  in  succession,  and  all  were 
abandoned.  The  anger  and  impatience  of  Jones  got  beyond 
control,  and  he  never  appears  to  have  been  of  the  temper 
which  makes  a  proud  man  disdain  to  reveal  his  chagrin  and 
disappointment.  M.  de  Sartine  accordingly,  on  his  part,  felt 
equally  annoyed  by  the  incessant  importunity  of  the  man  who 
held  him  to  his  word. 

To  the  Due  de  Rochefoucault,  whom  he  always  found 
friendly,  Jones  writes, — "  The  minister's  behaviour  towards 
me  has  been  and  is  really  astonishing.  At  his  request  (for  I 
sought  not  the  connexion)  I  gave  up  absolute  certainties,  and 


92      LETTER  TO  THE  DUC  DE  ROCHEFOUCAULT. 

far  more  flattering  prospects  than  any  of  those  which  he  pro 
posed.  What  inducement  could  I  have  for  this  but  gratitude 
to  France  for  having  first  recognized  our  independence? 
And  having  given  my  word  to  stay  for  some  time  in  Europe, 
I  have  been  and  am  unwilling  to  take  it  back,  especially  after 
having  communicated  the  circumstances  to  Congress.  The 
minister,  to  my  infinite  mortification,  after  possessing  himself 
of  my  schemes  and  ideas,  has  treated  me  like  a  child  five  times 
successively,  by  leading  me  on  from  great  to  little,  and  from 
little  to  less.  Does  such  conduct  do  honour  either  to  his  head 
or  to  his  heart  ?  He  has  not  to  this  moment  offered  me  the 
least  apology  for  any  of  these  five  deceptions  :  nor  has  he,  1 
believe,  assigned  any  good  reason  to  that  venerable  and  great 
character,  his  Excellency  Doctor  Franklin,  whom  he  has 
made  the  instrument  to  entrap  me  in  this  cruel  state  of  inaction 
and  suspense. 

"  The  minister  has  lately  written  a  letter  to  Count  D'Orvil- 
liers.  proposing  to  send  me  home  in  '  une  bonne  voiture.' 
This  is  absolutely  adding  insult  to  injury,  and  it  is  the  propo 
sition  of  a  man  whose  veracity  I  have  not  experienced  in 
former  cases. 

"  I  could  in  the  summer,  with  the  Ranger,  joined  with  the 
two  other  American  frigates,  have  given  the  enemy  sufficient 
foundation  for  their  fears  in  Britain  as  well  as  Ireland,  and 
could  since  have  been  assisting  Count  D'Estaing,  or  acting 
separately  with  an  American  squadron.  Instead  of  this  I  am 
chained  down  to  shameful  inactivity  here,  after  having  written 
to  Congress  to  reserve  no  command  for  me  in  America. 

"  Convinced  as  I  am,  that  your  noble  and  generous  breast 
will  feel  for  my  unmerited  treatment,  I  must  beseech  you  to 
interest  yourself  with  the  Duke  de  Chartres,  that  the  King 
may  be  made  acquainted  with  my  situation.  I  have  been 
taught  to  believe  that  I  have  been  detained  in  France  with  his 
Majesty's  knowledge  and  approbation,  and  I  am  sure  he  is  too 
good  a  prince  to  detain  me  for  my  hurt  or  dishonour. 


LETTER  TO  M.  CHAUMONT.  93 

"  M.  de  Sartine  may  think  as  he  pleases,  but  Congress  will 
not  thank  him  for  having  thus  treated  an  officer  who  has 
always  been  honoured  with  their  favour  and  friendship.  I 
entertained  some  hopes  of  his  honourable  intentions  till  he 
gave  the  command  of  the  Fox  to  a  lieutenant,  after  my  friends 
had  asked  for  me  only  that  ship  with  the  Alert  cutter.  He 
was  the  asker,  at  the  beginning,  and  ought  to  be  so  now  ;  he 
has,  to  my  certain  knowledge,  ships  unbestowed,  and  he  is 
bound  in  honour  to  give  me  the  Indian,  as  he  proposed  at  the 
first,  or  an  equivalent  command,  immediately." 

To  M.  Ray  de  Chaumont,  Jones  says,  about  the  same 
period, — 

"  Although  the  minister  has  treated  me  like  a  child  five  suc 
cessive  times,  by  leading  me  on  from  great  to  little,  and  from 
little  to  less,  yet  I  had  some  dependence  on  his  honourable 
intentions  until  he  refused  the  small  commnnd  which  you 
asked  for  me  the  23d  ultimo,  and  afterwards  bestowed  the 
Fox  on  a  lieutenant  who,  to  my  certain  knowledge,  does  not 
thank  him  for  the  favour,  and  thinks  that  ship  far  short  of  his 
right.  I  say  I  verily  believed  the  minister  at  the  beginning, 
and  afterwards ;  but  now  having  deceived  me  so  often,  I  wish 
him  to  know  that  I  doubt  him,  though  he  swears  even  '  by  the 
stix.'*  I  have  written  to  him  several  respectful  letters  of  some 
consequence,  none  of  which  he  has  condescended  to  answer. 
This  is  a  piece  of  incivility  and  disrespect  to  me  as  a  stranger 
which  he  has  not  shown  even  to  subalterns  in  the  French 
marine,  in  whose  hands  I  have  seen  his  answers  to  letters  of 
little  importance.  The  secrecy  which  I  was  required  to  ob 
serve  respecting  what  seemed  his  first  intention  in  my  favour 
has  been  inviolable ;  and  I  have  been  so  delicate  with  respect 
to  my  situation,  that  I  have  been,  and  am  considered  every 
where  as  an  officer  disgraced  and  cast  off  for  private  reasons. 
I  have  of  course  been  in  actual  disgrace  here  ever  since  my 


*  At  an  interview  M.  Chaumont  had  with  the  minister,  he  swore  by  Styx ! 
that  Paul  Jones  should  have  a  frigate,  were  he  even  to  huy  it. 


94  LETTER  OF  YOUNG  FRANKLIN. 

return,  which  is  more  than  two  months.  I  have  already  lost 
near  five  months  of  my  time,  the  best  season  of  the  year,  and 
such  opportunities  of  serving  my  country,  and  acquiring 
honour,  as  I  cannot  again  expect  this  war,  while  I  have  been 
thus  shamefully  entrapped  in  inaction.  My  duty  and  sensi 
bility  cannot  brook  this  unworthy  situation.  If  the  minister's 
intentions  have  been  honourable  from  the  beginning,  he  will 
make  a  direct  written  apology  to  me,  suitable  to  the  injury 
\vhich  I  have  sustained,  otherwise,  in  vindication  of  my  sacred 
honour,  painful  as  it  will  be,  I  must  publish  in  the  Gazettes  of 
Europe  the  conduct  he  has  held  towards  me." 

The  compatriots  of  Jones  in  France  sympathized  in  his 
disappointment  and  indignation ;  particularly  Dr.  Bancroft  and 
Mr.  William  Temple  Franklin,  the  grandson  and  secretary  of 
Benjamin  Franklin.  "  I  have  felt  for  you  most  sincerely," 
says  young  Franklin ;  "  Monsieur  S.'s  conduct  towards  you 
has  been  as  remarkable  as  it  has  been  unjust,  and  has  altered 
in  a  great  degree  the  good  opinion  many  have  had  of  him. 
I  have  been  asked  in  several  companies,  ou  est  le  brave  Cap- 
itaine  Jones?  quefait-il?  and  have  felt  myself  (as  your  com 
patriot)  in  a  manner  ill-treated,  when  I  can  only  answer  that 
you  are  still  at  Brest.  On  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  I  asked 
Mr.  Chaumont  '  whether  he  thought  anything  would  be  done 
for  you  ?'  He  answered,  *  that  to  his  certain  knowledge  M.  S. 
was  ashamed  of  the  conduct  he  had  held  towards  you,  and 
that  he  was  now  occupied  to  make  up  for  it.  Bancroft,'  says 
he,  *  is  assured  that  the  minister  had  all  along  felt  good  dispo 
sitions,  but  had  been  prevented  from  carrying  them  into 
execution  by  the  intrigues  of  487,557,*  (the  marine,)  among 
whom  multitudes  were  making  interest,  and  caballing  to  ob 
tain  303,  (ships,)  and  opposing  the  disposal  of  any  except 
among  their  own  body ;  but  710  (M.  de  Sartine)  had  assured 
him  that  you  should  soon  have  one,  if  he  were  even  to  pur- 

*  These  numbers  refer  to  a  cipher  that  Bancroft  and  young-  Franklin  had 
got  from  Paul  Jones  for  their  private  correspondence  with  him. 


DELAYS.  95 

chase  it.'  Mr.  Bandonin  desired  me  also  to  make  you  his 
best  compliments,  to  assure  you  that  he  would  not  suffer  your 
business  to  rest  much  longer,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  beg 
your  patience  a  little  longer.  In  this  situation  I  know  not 
what  we  can  do,  but  wait  a  week  or  two,  when,  if  nothing 
comes,  I  think  299  (Doctor  Franklin)  will  declare  his  utmost 
resentment,  and  nothing  that  any  of  us  can  say  will  be  too 
bad." 

Worn  out  with  waiting,  "  half  killed,"  as  he  strongly  ex 
presses  himself,  with  suspense  and  inaction,  Jones  now  formed 
the  design  of  directly  addressing  the  King,  and  of  soliciting 
the  kindness  of  the  family  of  Chartres,  (Orleans,)  in  present 
ing  his  letter.  He,  as  usual,  took  the  precaution  of  enclosing 
all  these  epistolary  compositions  to  Franklin, — a  course  which 
preserved  him  from  ever  going  too  far  wrong,  even  while 
under  the  greatest  irritation. 

In  his  letter  to  Franklin,  he  says,  "  The  Duchesse  de 
Chartres  will,  I  am  persuaded,  undertake  to  deliver  my  letter 
into  the  King's  hands ;  and  as  you  may  not  yet  think  fit  to 
appear  in  the  business,  either  the  Due  de  Rochefoucault,  or 
your  grandson,  will  oblige  me  by  wraiting  on  her  at  the  Palais 
Royal.  The  Due  de  Rochefoucault,  as  he  understands  Eng 
lish  well,  and  is  acquainted  with  the  circumstances,  would 
oblige  me  much  if  he  would  'be  present  when  the  letter  is 
presented  to  the  King.  I  do  not  wish  to  trouble  the  Due  de 
Chartres  about  this  affair,  as  that  brave  prince  has  undeserv 
edly  met  with  vexations  of  his  own.'* 

The  following  is  the  letter  which  Captain  Jones  wrote  to 
the  King  of  France,  and  which  was  to  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty  by  the  Duchess  of  Chartres,  afterwards  the  Duchess 
of  Orleans: — 


96  LETTER  TO  THE  KING. 

BREST,  October  19th,  1778. 
"  SIRE, 

"  After  my  return  to  Brest  in  the  American  ship  of  war  the 
Ranger,  from  the  Irish  Channel,  his  excellency  Dr.  Franklin 
informed  me  by  letter,  dated  June  the  1st,  that  M.  de  Sartine, 
having  a  high  opinion  of  my  conduct  and  bravery,  had  deter 
mined,  with  your  Majesty's  consent  and  approbation,  to  give 
me  the  command  of  the  ship  of  war  the  Indian,  which  was 
built  at  Amsterdam  for  America,  but  afterwards,  for  political 
reasons,  made  the  property  of  France. 

"  I  was  to  act  with  unlimited  orders  under  the  commission 
and  flag  of  America ;  and  the  Prince  de  Nassau  proposed  to 
accompany  me  on  the  ocean. 

"  I  was  deeply  penetrated  with  the  sense  of  the  honour 
done  me  by  this  generous  proposition,  as  well  as  of  the  favour 
your  Majesty  intended  thereby  to  confer  on  America.  And 
I  accepted  the  offer  with  the  greater  pleasure,  as  the  Con 
gress  had  sent  me  to  Europe  in  the  Ranger,  to  command  the 
Indian,  before  the  ownership  of  that  vessel  was  changed. 

"  The  minister  desired  to  see  me  at  Versailles  to  settle 
future  plans  of  operation,  and  I  attended  him  for  that  purpose. 
I  was  told  that  the  Indian  was  at  the  Texel  completely 
armed  and  fitted  for  sea ;  but  the  Prince  de  Nassau  was  sent 
express  to  Holland,  and  returned  with  a  very  different  ac 
count.  The  ship  was  at  Amsterdam,  and  could  not  be  got 
afloat  or  armed  before  the  September  equinox.  The  Ameri 
can  plenipotentiaries  proposed  that  I  should  return  to  America  ; 
and  as  I  have  repeatedly  been  appointed  to  the  chief  com 
mand  of  an  American  squadron  to  execute  secret  enterprises, 
it  was  not  doubted  but  that  Congress  would  again  show  me  a 
preference.  M.  de  Sartine,  however,  thought  proper  to  pre 
vent  my  departure,  by  writing  to  the  plenipotentiaries,  (with 
out  my  knowledge,)  requesting  that  I  might  be  permitted  to 
remain  in  Europe,  and  that  the  Ranger  might  be  sent  back 
to  America  under  another  commander,  he  having  special  ser- 


LETTER  TO  THE  KING.  97 

vices  which  he  wished  me  to  execute.  This  request  they 
readily  granted,  and  I  was  flattered  by  the  prospect  of  being 
enabled  to  testify,  by  my  services,  my  gratitude  to  your 
Majesty,  as  the  first  prince  who  has  so  generously  acknow 
ledged  our  independence. 

"  There  was  an  interval  of  more  than  three  months  before 
the  Indian  could  be  gotten  afloat.  To  employ  that  period 
usefully,  when  your  Majesty's  fleet  was  ordered  to  sail  from 
Brest,  I  proposed  to  the  minister  to  embark  in  it  as  a  volun 
teer,  in  pursuit  of  marine  knowledge.  He  objected  to  this, 
at  the  same  time  approved  of  a  variety  of  hints  for  private 
enterprises,  which  I  had  drawn  up  for  his  consideration. 
Two  gentlemen  were  appointed  to  settle  with  me  the  plans 
that  were  to  be  adopted,  who  gave  me  the  assurance  that 
three  of  the  best  frigates  in  France,  with  two  tenders,  and  a 
number  of  troops,  should  be  immediately  put  under  my  com 
mand,  to  pursue  such  of  my  own  projects  as  I  thought  pro 
per  ;  but  this  fell  to  nothing,  when  I  believed  that  your  Majes 
ty's  signature  only  was  wanting. 

"  Another  armament,  composed  of  cutters  and  small  ves 
sels,  at  L'Orient,  was  proposed  to  be  put  under  my  command, 
to  alarm  the  coast  of  England  and  check  the  Jersey  priva 
teers  ;  but,  happily  for  me,  this  also  failed,  and  I  was  saved 
from  ruin  and  dishonour,  as  I  now  find  that  all  the  vessels 
sailed  slow,  and  their  united  force  is  very  insignificant.  The 
minister  then  thought  fit  that  I  should  return  to  Brest  to  com 
mand  the  Lively,  and  join  some  frigates  on  an  expedition 
from  St.  Malo  to  the  North  Sea.  I  returned  in  haste  for  that 
purpose,  and  found  that  the  Lively  had  been  bestowed  at  Brest 
before  the  minister  had  mentioned  that  ship  to  me  at  Ver 
sailles.  This  was,  however,  another  fortunate  disappointment, 
as  the  Lively  proves,  both  in  sailing  and  equipment,  much  in 
ferior  to  the  Ranger ;  but,  more  especially,  if  it  be  true,  as  I 
have  since  understood,  that  the  minister  intended  to  give  the 
chief  command  of  the  expedition  to  a  lieutenant,  which  would 
9 


98  LETTER  TO  THE  KING. 

have  occasioned  a  very  disagreeable  misunderstanding :  for, 
as  an  officer  of  the  first  rank  in  the  American  marine,  who 
has  ever  been  honoured  with  the  favour  and  friendship  of 
Congress,  I  can  receive  orders  from  no  inferior  officer  what 
ever.  My  plan  was  the  destruction  of  the  English  Baltic 
fleet,  of  great  consequence  to  the  enemy's  marine,  and  then 
only  protected  by  a  single  frigate !  I  would  have  held 
myself  responsible  for  its  success  had  I  commanded  the  ex 
pedition. 

"  M.  de  Sartine  afterwards  sent  orders  to  Count  D'Orvilliers 
to  receive  me  on  board  the  fleet,  agreeably  to  my  former 
proposal ;  but  the  order  did  not  arrive  until  after  the  depar 
ture  of  the  fleet  the  last  time  from  Brest,  nor  was  I  made 
acquainted  with  the  circumstance  before  the  fleet  returned 
here. 

"  Thus  have  I  been  chained  down  to  shameful  inactivity 
for  nearly  five  months.  I  have  lost  the  best  season  of  the  year, 
and  such  opportunities  of  serving  my  country  and  acquiring 
honour  as  I  cannot  again  expect  this  war ;  and,  to  my  infinite 
mortification,  having  no  command,  I  am  considered  every 
where  an  officer  cast  off  and  in  disgrace  for  secret  reasons. 

"  I  have  written  respectful  letters  to  the  minister,  none  of 
wrhich  he  has  condescended  to  answer ;  I  have  written  to  the 
Prince  de  Nassau  with  as  little  effect ;  and  I  do  not  under 
stand  that  any  apology  has  been  made  to  the  great  and  ven 
erable  Dr.  Franklin,  whom  the  minister  has  made  the  instru 
ment  of  bringing  me  into  such  unmerited  trouble. 

"  Having  written  to  Congress  to  reserve  no  command  for 
me  in  America,  my  sensibility  is  the  more  affected  by  this 
unworthy  situation  in  the  sight  of  your  Majesty's  fleet.  I, 
however,  make  no  remark  on  the  treatment  I  have  received. 

"  Although  I  wish  not  to  become  my  own  panegyrist,  I 
must  beg  your  Majesty's  permission  to  observe,  that  I  am  not 
an  adventurer  in  search  of  fortune,  of  which,  thank  God,  I 
have  a  sufficiency. 


LETTER  TO  THE  KING.  99 

"  When  the  American  banner  was  first  displayed,  I  drew 
my  sword  in  support  of  the  violated  dignity  and  rights  of 
human  nature  ;  and  both  honour  and  duty  prompt  me  stead 
fastly  to  continue  the  righteous  pursuit,  and  to  sacrifice  to  it, 
not  only  my  private  enjoyments,  but  even  life,  if  necessary. 
I  must  acknowledge  that  the  generous  praise  which  I  have 
received  from  Congress  and  others  exceeds  the  merit  of  my 
past  services ;  therefore  I  the  more  ardently  wish  for  future 
opportunities  of  testifying  my  gratitude  by  my  activity. 

"  As  your  Majesty,  by  espousing  the  cause  of  America, 

hath  become  the  protector  of  the  rights  of  human  nature,  I 

am  persuaded  that  you  will  not  disregard  my  situation,  nor 

suffer  me  to  remain  any  longer  in  this  insupportable  disgrace. 

I  am,  with  perfect  gratitude 

and  profound  respect, 

SIRE, 
Your  Majesty's  very  obliged, 

very  obedient,  and 
very  humble  servant, 

J.  PAUL  JONES." 

There  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  that  the  above  letter  was 
ever  presented,  or  indeed  that  it  ever  came  into  the  hands  of 
the  Duchess  of  Chartres ;  yet  the  fact  appears  to  be  assumed 
by  some  of  the  biographers  of  Jones ;  and  the  letter  itself,  as 
expressive  of  his  sentiments  at  this  crisis,  is  too  important  to 
be  suppressed.  The  correspondence  and  journals  of  Jones 
contain  no  allusion  to  any  effect  produced  by  that  letter, — not 
even  the  extract  of  his  journal  made  long  afterwards,  ex 
pressly  for  the  perusal  of  the  king ;  and  the  postscript  of  a 
letter  written  by  Mr.  Temple  Franklin  is  at  least  complete 
proof  that,  if  the  letter  to  the  king  was  ever  delivered,  it  was 
decidedly  against  the  judgment  of  Franklin.  The  letter  of 
the  younger  Franklin  is  dated  the  22d  October,  the  postscript 
the  24th.  It  says,  "  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  received 


100 


JONES'S  GRATITUDE. 


yours  of  the  19th  instant  (the  letter  to  the  king.)  I  would 
willingly  do  everything  you  there  desire  of  me,  but  it  is  my 
grandfather's  opinion  that  there  will  be  no  occasion  to  send 
those  letters ;  and  I  imagine  they  were  wrote  before  you 
heard  of  the  minister's  final  determination.  If,  however,  you 
still  think  they  ought  to  be  sent,  you  have  only  to  order  it." 

From  this  it  would  appear  that  the  minister's  "  final  deter 
mination"  to  buy  Jones  "  a  suitable  ship"  had  preceded  the 
letter  to  the  King  and  was  not  a  consequence  of  it.  In  a  letter 
to  M.  de  Chaumont,  of  the  30th  November,  Jones  thus  ex 
presses  himself  with  regard  to  M.  de  Sartine : — "  My  best 
respects  and  most  grateful  thanks  await  the  minister  for  the 
very  honourable  things  he  said  of  me  to  the  Due  de  la  Roche- 
foucault.  It  shall  be  my  ambition,  when  he  gives  me  oppor 
tunities,  to  merit  his  favour  and  affection." 


DECLINES  THE  COMMAND  OF  PRIVATEERS. 


101 


CHAPTER  V. 

HE  gratitude  of  Jones  to  the 
minister  of  marine  was  pre 
mature.  But  it  would  be  tire 
some  to  follow  the  train  of 
petty  disappointments  which 
this  brave  man  had  yet  to 
encounter  before  he  got  once 
again  fairly  afloat.  From  the 
month  of  June,  1778,  till  the 
month  of  February  of  the  following  year,  he  was  condemned 
to  feel  to  its  utmost  extent  the  misery  there  is — 

"  In  suing  long  to  bide." 

In  this  interval  some  proposals  were  made  to  Captain  Jones 
while  at  Brest  to  take  the  command  of  privateers.  This  he 
decidedly  declined  ;  and  he  even  resented  the  supposition  that, 
bearing,  as  he  did,  the  commission  of  Congres,  he  should  act 
at  any  time  as  the  commander  of  privateers.  So  nice  was 
he  on  this  point,  that  in  one  instance  we  find  Franklin  himself 
condescending  to  sooth  his  hasty  feelings.  "  Depend  upon 
it,"  says  the  sage,  "  I  never  wrote  Mr.  Gillon  that  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  was  a  privateer.  I  could  not  write  so, 
because  I  never  had  such  a  thought.  I  will  next  post  send 
you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  him,  by  which  you  will  see  that 
he  has  only  forced  that  construction  from  a  vague  expression 
I  used,  merely  to  conceal  from  him  (in  answering  his  idle 
demand  that  1  would  order  your  squadron,  then  on  the  point 
of  sailing,  to  go  with  him  to  Carolina,)  that  the  expedition 
was  at  the  expense  and  under  the  direction  of  the  king,  which 
9* 


102  JONES  AT  COURT. 

it  was  not  proper  or  necessary  for  him  to  know."  And  to 
the  proposal  that  he  would  take  the  command  of  an  armament 
of  privateers,  Jones  says,  "  Were  I  in  pursuit  of  profit  I  would 
accept  it  without  hesitation ;  but  I  am  under  such  obligations 
to  Congress,  that  I  cannot  think  myself  my  own  master, — and 
as  a  servant  of  the  Imperial  Republic  of  America,  honoured 
with  the  public  approbation  of  my  past  services,  I  cannot, 
from  my  own  authority  or  inclination,  serve  either  myself  or 
even  my  best  friends,  in  any  private  line  whatsoever."  With 
these  feelings,  his  indignation  at  being  long  afterwards  offered 
a  letter-of-marque  by  the  French  government,  in  requital  of 
his  services,  may  be  easily  imagined.  But  this  belongs  to  a 
more  advanced  stage  of  his  history. 

Everything  appeared  in  a  fair  way  in  November;  yet  Jones 
found  it  necessary  to  repair  once  more  to  Versailles,  and  to 
Passy,  the  seat  of  the  American  legation.  "  As  nothing  was 
done,"  he  says  in  his  memorial  to  the  king,  "  Captain  Jones 
determined  to  go  himself  to  court."  When  he  got  there,  the 
minister  offered  him  the  Marshal  de  Broglio,  a  large  ship; 
but  as  his  Americans  had  all  left  the  service  during  the  long 
period  of  idleness,  he  was  unable  to  man  this  vessel,  and  the 
Due  de  Duras  was  bought  for  him,  which,  among  many 
other  vessels,  he  had  acquainted  his  friends,  was  on  sale  at 
L'Orient. 

On  the  6th  of  February  Jones  had  at  last  the  satisfaction 
of  making,  from  Passy,  his  acknowledgments  to  the  minister 
Sartine.  His  gratitude  was  quite  as  lively  as  the  treatment 
he  had  received  required.  He  obtained  leave  to  change  the 
name  of  the  ship  to  Bon  Homme  Richard,  "  in  compliment," 
he  says,  "  to  a  saying  of  Poor  Richard,"  (of  which,  by  the 
way,  he  had  just  experienced  the  truth,)  "  If  you  would  have 
your  business  done,  come  yourself — if  not,  send." 

Jones  jnow  went  to  Nantes  to  engage  seamen,  and  to  obtain 
cannon  to  arm  his  ship.  On  his  late  journey  he  had  been  in 
troduced  to  M.  Gamier,  in  order  to  concert  a  plan  of  opera- 


THE  BON  HOMME  RICHARD.  103 

tions  for  a  combined  naval  and  military  force.  Four  or  five 
sail  were  to  be  added  to  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  of  which 
two  vessels  were  to  be  fire-ships.  Five  hundred  picked  men, 
taken  from  the  Irish  regiment,  were  to  embark  under  the 
command  of  Mr.  Fitzmaurice.  All  were  to  be  under  the  en 
tire  command  of  Jones.  "  A  plan,"*  he  says,  "  was  laid, 
which  promised  perfect  success,  and  had  it  succeeded,  would 
have  astonished  the  world." 

In  an  evil  hour  he  solicited  that  the  Alliance,  a  new  Ame 
rican  frigate,  of  which  the  command  had  been  given  by  Con 
gress  to  one  Landais,  a  Frenchman,  should  be  added  to  his 
force.  As  Dr.  Franklin  had  just  been  formally  appointed 
ambassador  to  the  Court  of  France,  Jones  imagined  that  not 
only  the  disposal  of  the  frigate,  but  the  power  of  displacing 
its  commander  at  pleasure,  was  vested  in  him,  as  the  guardian 
of  American  interests  in  Europe. 

About  this  time  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  returned  from 
America,  and  he  wished  to  go  on  the  projected  expedition. 
Jones  was  summoned  to  court  and  it  was  arranged  that  the 
Marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  to  command  a  body  of  about 
seven  hundred  troops,  assigned  him  by  the  king.  The  Alli 
ance  was  made  part  of  the  squadron  by  the  American  minister 
plenipotentiary,  at  the  particular  desire  of  the  French  go 
vernment. 

The  squadron  was  now  to  consist  of  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard,  the  Alliance,  the  Pallas,  the  Vengeance  brig,  and 
the  Cerf,  a  fine  cutter,  well  fitted  and  manned.  "  A  person," 
(M.  Chaumont,)  says  Jones,  "  was  appointed  commissary,  and 
unwisely  intrusted  with  the  secret  of  the  expedition.  The 
commissary  took  upon  himself  the  whole  direction  at  L'Orient; 
but  the  secret  was  too  big  for  him  to  keep.  All  Paris  rang 
with  the  expedition  from  L'Orient ;  and  government  was 
obliged  to  drop  the  plan  when  the  squadron  lay  ready  for  sea, 
and  the  troops  ready  to  embark." 

*  This  plan  was  directed  against  Liverpool. 


104 


FRANKLIN'S  LETTER, 


In  the  expectation  that  Jones  was  to  be  joined  by  the  Mar 
quis  de  la  Fayette,  his  judicious  friend  Franklin  wrote  him 
thus,  actuated,  no  doubt,  both  by  anxiety  for  the  public  cause 
and  regard  to  the  individual  he  addressed : 

"  I  have,  at  the  request  of  M.  de  Sartine,  postponed  the 
sending  of  the  Alliance  to  America,  and  have  ordered  her  to 
proceed  immediately  from  Nantes  to  L'Orient,  where  she  is 


DR.  FRANKLIN'S  ADVICE.  105 

to  be  furnished  with  her  complement  of  men,  join  your  little 
squadron,  and  act  under  your  command. 

"  The  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  will  be  with  you  soon.  It 
has  been  observed  that  joint  expeditions  of  land  and  sea  forces 
often  miscarry  through  jealousies  and  misunderstandings  be 
tween  the  officers  of  the  different  corps.  This  must  happen 
where  there  are  little  minds,  actuated  more  by  personal  views 
of  profit  or  honour  to  themselves,  than  by  the  warm  and  sin 
cere  desire  of  good  to  their  country.  Knowing  you  both,  as 
I  do,  and  your  just  manner  of  thinking  on  these  occasions, 
I  am  confident  nothing  of  the  kind  can  happen  between  you, 
and  that  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  recommend  to  either  of 
you  that  condescension,  mutual  good-will,  and  harmony, 
which  contribute  so  much  to  success  in  such  undertakings.  I 
look  upon  this  expedition  as  an  introduction  only  t<?  greater 
trusts  and  more  extensive  commands,  and  as  a  kind  of  trial 
of  both  your  abilities  and  of  your  fitness  in  temper  and  dis 
position  for  acting  in  concert  with  others.  I  flatter  myself, 
therefore,  that  nothing  will  happen  that  may  give  impressions 
to  the  disadvantage  of  either  of  you,  when  greater  affairs 
shall  come  under  consideration. 

"  As  this  is  understood  to  be  an  American  expedition,  un 
der  the  Congress  commission  and  colours,  the  Marquis,  who 
is  a  Major-General  in  that  service,  has  of  course  the  step  in 
point  of  rank,  and  he  must  have  the  command  of  the  land- 
forces,  which  are  committed  by  the  king  to  his  care ;  but  the 
command  of  the  ships  will  be  entirely  in  you,  in  which  I  am 
persuaded  that  whatever  authority  his  rank  might  in  strictness 
give  him,  he  will  not  have  the  least  desire  to  interfere  with 
you.  There  is  honour  enough  to  be  got  for  both  of  you  if 
the  expedition  is  conducted  with  a  prudent  unanimity.  The 
circumstance  is  indeed  a  little  unusual ;  for  there  is  not  only 
a  junction  of  land  and  sea  forces,  but  there  is  also  a  junction 
of  Frenchmen  and  Americans,  which  increases  the  difficulty 
of  maintaining  a  good  understanding ;  a  cool,  prudent  con- 


106  LETTER  TO  LA  FAYETTE. 

duct  in  the  chiefs  is  therefore  the  more  necessary,  and  I  trust 
neither  of  you  will  in  that  respect  be  deficient.  With  my 
best  wishes  for  your  success,  health,  and  honour,  I  remain, 
dear  sir,  your  affectionate  and  most  obedient  servant." 

This  excellent  counsel  was  not  thrown  away  on  Jones. 
His  letter  to  La  Fayette,  written  a  few  days  afterwards,  re 
echoes  the  sentiments  of  the  republican  sage.  "  Where  men 
of  fine  feelings  are  concerned,"  he  says,  "  there  is  very  sel 
dom  any  misunderstanding, — and  I  am  sure  I  should  do  the 
greatest  violence  to  my  sensibility  if  I  were  capable  of  giv 
ing  you  a  moment's  pain  by  any  part  of  my  conduct ;  there 
fore,  without  any  apology,  I  shall  expect  you  to  point  out  my 
errors,  when  we  are  alone  together,  with  perfect  freedom, — 
and  I  think  I  dare  promise  you  that  your  reproof  shall  not  be 
lost.  I  fyave  received  from  the  good  Dr.  Franklin  instruc 
tions  at  large,  which  do  honour  to  his  liberal  mind,  and  which 
it  will  give  me  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  execute.  I  cannot 
ensure  success, — but  we  will  endeavour  to  deserve  it." 

Some  of  the  instructions  of  Dr.  Franklin  to  which  Jones 
refers,  and  of  which  he  says,  "  your  noble-minded  instructions 
would  make  a  coward  brave,"  deserve  to  be  made  known  as 
widely  as  possible.* 

"  You  are  to  bring  to  France  all  the  English  seamen  you 
may  happen  to  take  prisoners,  in  order  to  complete  the  good 
work  you  have  already  made  such  progress  in,  of  delivering, 
by  an  exchange,  the  rest  of  our  countrymen  now  languishing 
in  the  gaols  of  Great  Britain. 

"  As  many  of  your  officers  and  people  have  lately  escaped 
from  the  English  prisons,  either  in  Europe  or  America,  you 
are  to  be  particularly  attentive  to  their  conduct  towards  the 
prisoners  which  the  fortune  of  war  may  throw  in  your  hands, 

*  It  is  a  pleasing  trait  in  the  history  of  that  period,  that  all  the  naval  com 
manders  of  the  countries  at  war  with  England  had  particular  orders  "not  to 
molest  the  ships  of  the  brave  navigator  Captain  Cook,"  if  they  chanced  to  fall 
in  with  them. 


FRANKLIN'S  INSTRUCTIONS.  107 

lest  resentment  of  the  more  than  barbarous  usage  by  the 
English  in  many  places  towards  the  Americans,  should  oc 
casion  a  retaliation,  and  an  imitation  of  what  ought  rather  to 
be  detested  and  avoided,  for  the  sake  of  humanity  and  for  the 
honour  of  our  country. 

"  In  the  same  view,  although  the  English  have  wantonly 
burnt  many  defenceless  towns  in  America,  you  are  not  to  fol 
low  this  example,  unless  where  a  reasonable  ransom  is  re 
fused  ;  in  which  case  your  own  generous  feelings,  as  well  as 
this  instruction,  will  induce  you  to  give  timely  notice  of  your 
intention,  that  sick  and  ancient  persons,  women  and  children, 
may  be  first  removed." 

Jones  attributes  the  failure  of  the  expedition  so  much  talked 
of  to  the  tattling  of  the  commissary ;  but  he  probably  over 
rates  that  circumstance.  The  truth  is  that  the  French 
government  never  continued  for  one  week  of  the  same  mind  ; 
and  they  had,  about  this  time,  been  seized  with  that  grand 
idea  by  \vhich  the  court  and  people  of  France  seem  to  be 
periodically  infatuated — the  design  of  invading  England. 
The  expedition  which  was  "  to  astonish  the  world"  was 
abandoned,  according  to  La  Fayette,  "  for  political  and  mili 
tary  reasons."  Instead  of  Commodore  Jones  burning  towns 
and  shipping,  taking  hostages  and  levying  contributions,  an 
invasion  was  to  be  attempted  on  that  grand  scale  so  congenial 
to  the  Gallic  character. 

Another  service  was  in  consequence  allotted  to  Jones.  He 
was  to  act  as  convoy  to  troops,  stores  and  private  merchan 
dise,  for  Bordeaux  and  other  ports  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay. 
This  trifling  service  he  performed,  and  cruised  about  with 
little  aim  or  effect  for  some  days. 

On  the  night  of  the  20th  June,  the  Alliance  ran  foul  of  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard,  and  injured  the  vessel.  The  character 
of  Landais,  the  commander  of  the  Alliance,  and  his  after 
conduct,  which  was  marked  by  the  grossest  degree  of  insub 
ordination,  insolence,  and  even  treachery,  gave  rise  to  a 
suspicion  that  this  accident  was  of  a  doubtful  character. 


108  DOMESTIC  AFFLICTIONS. 

The  head  and  bowsprit  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  were 
carried  away,  and  the  Alliance  lost  her  mizen-mast.  The 
lieutenant  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  who  had  the  watch 
that  night,  was  afterwards  broke  by  a  court-martial. 

Even  at  this  busy  period  Jones  had  not  forgotten  his  rela 
tions  in  Scotland,  though  his  correspondence  with  them  neces 
sarily  required  some  management.  It  does  not  appear  by 
what  channel  the  following  letter,  received  at  Dumfries,  was 
transmitted  to  Cork.  The  person  on  whom  the  bill  (for  301) 
was  drawn  could  not  be  heard  of  in  Carlisle.  Other  remit 
tances  made  by  Jones  to  his  friends  were  in  like  manner 
never  received.  In  reply  to  a  letter  from  his  sister,  Mrs. 
Taylor,  informing  him  of  the  death  of  his  mother  and  eldest 
sister,  he  says  with  true  feeling,  "  The  loss  of  those  dear 
friends  is  the  more  affecting  to  me,  as  they  never  received  the 
remittances  I  intended  for  them,  and  as  they  had  not  perhaps 
a  true  idea  of  my  affection."  The  following  letter  is  addressed 
to  Jones'  eldest  sister,  Elizabeth  Paul : — 

"CoRK,  June  1st,  1779. 

"  If  ever  my  dear  girl  had  any  doubts  of  the  sincerity  of 
my  friendship,  I  hope  the  enclosed  bill  will  remove  them. 
You  find  it  drawn  in  favour  of  my  dearest  departed  brother, 
Captain  Plaince.  However,  as  it  is  made  payable  to  his 
order,  my  sister-in-law's  signature  will  make  it  quite  the  same. 
Had  the  bill  been  drawn  on  any  place  of  commerce,  I  would 
have  negotiated  it  myself,  and  then  got  a  bill  on  Dumfries  for 
you;  however,  as* Carlisle  is  near  you,  you  will  sooner  get 
the  money,  as  I  must  have  sent  it  there  for  acceptance.  The 
half  is  for  Mrs.  Paul,  and  the  other  half  for  your  use.  You 
will  immediately  get  some  gentleman  to  present  it  for  accept 
ance  :  you  will  find  it  payable  ten  days  after.  Adieu,  my 
dear  girl;  number  me  with  the  sincerest  of  your  friends, 
write  me  of  your  health,  and  be  assured  of  the  good  wishes  of 
"  Your  humble  servant, 

"  JUDITH  PLAINCE." 


CHASE.  109 

On  the  30th  of  June,  Jones  came  into  the  road  of  Groix. 
The  Alliance  and  Bon  Homme  Richard  both  required  to 
be  refitted ;  the  other  vessels  meanwhile  looked  after  prizes. 
On  that  day  the  log-book  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  has 
the  following  entry  : — 

"  At  half-past  7,  P.  M.,  saw  two  sail  bearing  down  upon  us, 
one  with  a  flag  at  each  mast-head.  Hove  about  and  stood 
from  them  to  get  in  readiness  for  action ;  then  hove  mizen- 
topsail  to  the  mast,  down  all  stay-sails  and  up  mizen-sail. 
Then  they  hove  about  and  stood  from  us.  Immediately  we 
tacked  ship  and  stood  after  them. 

"  After  which  they  wore  ship  and  stood  for  us.  Captain 
Jones,  gentleman-like,  called  all  his  officers,  and  consulted 
them  whether  they  were  willing  to  see  them.  They  all  said 
yes.  Made  sail  after  them ;  but  they,  being  better  sailers 
than  we,  got  from  us.  At  1,  A.  M.,  tacked  ship." 

At  the  isle  of  Groix,  Jones  lay  six  weeks, — a  period  not 
without  its  vexations.  In  anticipating  his  earlier  arrival,  and 
unconscious  of  the  damage  received  by  the  shock  of  the 
Alliance,  Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  following  letter  of  the  30th  June, 
directed  him  to  set  out  on  a  long  cruise. 

«PASSY,  June  30,  1779. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  Being  arrived  at  Groix,  you  are  to  make  the  best  of  your 
way,  with  the  vessels  under  your  command,  to  the  west  of 
Ireland,  and  establish  your  cruise  on  the  Orcades,  the  Cape 
of  Derneus,  and  the  Dogger-Bank,  in  order  to  take  the  enemy's 
property  in  those  seas. 

"  The  prizes  you  may  make  send  to  Dunkirk,  Ostend,  or 
Bergen,  in  Norway,  according  to  your  proximity  to  either  of 
those  ports.  Address  them  to  the  persons  M.  De  Chaumont 
shall  indicate  to  you. 

"  About  the  15th  August,  when  you  will  have  sufficiently 
cruised  in  these  seas,  you  are  to  make  route  for  the  Texel, 
where  you  will  meet  my  further  orders. 
10 


HO  CORRESPON  DENCE. 

"  If,  by  any  personal  accident,  you  should  be  rendered 
unable  to  execute  these  instructions,  the  officer  of  your 
squadron  next  in  rank  is  to  endeavour  to  put  them  in  execu 
tion. 

"  With  best  wishes  for  your  prosperity,  I  am  ever,  dear  Sir, 
your  affectionate  friend  and  humble  servant, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 
"  The  Honourable  Captain  JONES." 

The  preceding  letter  was  crossed  by  that  in  which  Jones 
gave  an  account  of  his  cruise,  and  of  the  Alliance  running  foul 
of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  In  this  letter  he  again  hinted 
his  desire  to  obtain  the  Indian,  to  cruise  towards  the  Texel, 
and  bring  her  out  with  the  crew  he  now  had.  But  Franklin 
had  no  mind  to  change  his  original  orders.  "  I  have  no 
other  orders  to  give,"  he  says ;  "  for  as  the  court  are  at 
the  chief  expense,  I  think  they  have  the  best  right  to  direct." 
— "  I  observe  what  you  say  about  a  change  of  destination ; 
but  when  a  thing  has  been  once  considered  and  determined 
on  in  council,  they  don't  care  to  resume  the  consideration  of 
it,  having  much  business  on  hand."  This  epistle  has  the  fol 
lowing  pithy  postscipt : — "  N.  B.  If  it  should  fall  in  your 
way,  remember  that  the  Hudson's  Bay  ships  are  very  valu 
able.  B.  F." 

Again  Jones  complained  bitterly  of  the  tattling  commissary 
(Chaumont, )  who  had  formerly  frustrated  the  expedition 
with  La  Fayette,  and  was  now  busied  at  similar  work.  Per 
haps  Commodore  Jones  might  be  over  sensitive  or  suspicious 
on  this  point.  "  I  have  another  proof,"  he  says,  "  this  day  of 
the  communicative  disposition  of  M.  De  Chaumont.  He  has 
written  to  an  officer  under  my  command  a  whole  sheet  on 
the  subject  of  your  letter,  and  has  even  introduced  more  than 
perhaps  was  necessary  to  a  person  commanding  in  chief.  I 
have  also  strong  reasons  to  think  that  this  officer  is  not  the 
only  improper  person  here  to  whom  he  has  written  to  the 
same  effect.  This  is  surely  a  strange  infatuation,  and  it  is 


MUTINOUS  DISPOSITION.  HI 

much  to  be  lamented  that  one  of  the  best  hearts  in  the  world 
should  be  connected  with  a  mistaken  head,  whose  errors  can 
afford  him  neither  pleasure  nor  profit,  but  may  effect  the  ruin 
and  dishonour  of  a  man  whom  he  esteems  and  loves.  Believe 
me,  my  worthy  sir,  I  dread  the  thoughts  of  seeing  this  subject 
too  soon  in  print,  as  I  have  done  several  others  of  greater  im 
portance,  with  which  he  was  acquainted,  and  which  I  am 
certain  he  communicated  too  early  to  improper  persons, 
whereby  very  important  services  have  been  impeded  and  set 
aside." 

In  a  marginal  note,  in  the  handwriting  of  Jones,  he  says, — 
"  I  found  it  in  print  before  I  reached  Holland  !"  And  in  an 
other  marginal  note  on  a  letter  of  Dr.  Franklin's  of  the  19th 
July,  he  writes,  "  It  is  clear  I  saw  my  danger,  and  sailed  with 
my  eyes  open,  rather  than  return  to  America  dishonoured." 

Jones  was  farther  annoyed  by  reports  which  had  reached 
head-quarters,  and  which  were  indeed  too  well-founded,  that  a 
mutinous  disposition  had  shown  itself  among  the  crew  of  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard.  He  had  at  this  time  gone  back  to 
L'Orient.  It  was  not  deemed  expedient  to  permit  the  ship  to 
sail  without  inquiry  and  a  change  of  men ;  and,  what  was 
worse,  the  Court  saw  no  reason  to  detain  the  Alliance,  because 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard  was  unfit  for  sea  ;  and  Franklin  did 
not  think  proper  to  prevent  what  appeared  so  reasonable. 
This,  however,  did  not  take  place  ;  and  holding  out  the  pros 
pect  of  capturing  the  Jamacia  fleet,*  then  expected,  escorted 
by  a  fifty-gun  ship  and  two  strong  frigates,  Jones  solicited 
and  obtained  leave  for  the  Monsieur  privateer  to  join  him, 
and  his  leave  was  extended  till  the  end  of  September.  The 
captains  of  the  Monsieur  and  Grandville  privateers  had  at 
this  time  requested  to  be  permitted  to  follow  him  and  share 
his  fortunes,  offering  to  bind  themselves  to  remain  attached 

*  In  his  memorial  to  the  king-  of  France,  Jones  says,  "  that  it  was  his  inten- 
tidn  to  cruise  off  the  south-west  of  Ireland  for  twelve  or  fifteen  days  to  inter- 
cept  the  enemy." 


H2  JONES  SAILS  FROM  GROIX. 

to  his  squadron  ;  but  this  the  disinterested  commissary  would 
not  permit.  The  consequences  were  soon  obvious ;  the  pri 
vateers  remained  attached  to  the  squadron  exactly  as  long 
as  suited  themselves. 

Having  given  the  necessary  orders  and  signals,  and  ap 
pointed  various  places  of  rendezvous  for  every  captain  in  case 
of  separation,  Commodore  Jones  sailed  from  the  road  of  Groix 
on  the  14th  of  August,  exactly  one  day  short  of  the  time  he 
had  been  desired  to  come  into  the  Texel,  after  ending  his 
cruise ;  so  uncertain  and  precarious  are  all  nautical  move 
ments.  The  squadron  consisted  of  seven  sail :  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard,  of  40  guns ;  the  Alliance,  of  36 ;  the  Pallas,  of  32 ; 
the  Cerf,  of  18  ;  and  the  Vengeance,  of  12  guns  ;  besides  the 
privateers,  Monsieur,  of  40  guns,  and  the  Grandville,  of  14 
guns ; — "  a  force  which  might  have  effected  great  services," 
says  Jones  himself,  in  his  memorial  to  the  king  of  France, 
"  and  done*  infinite  injury  to  the  enemy,  had  there  been  secrecy 
and  due  subordination.  Unfortunately  there  was  neither. 
Captain  Jones  saw  his  danger ;  but  his  reputation  being  at 
stake,  he  put  all  to  the  hazard." 

The  effects  of  this  want  of  subordination  were  soon  felt. 
The  captain  of  the  privateer  Monsieur,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  acted  as  he  thought  proper,  and  in  a  few  days  left 
the  squadron.  And  Captain  Landais,  a  man  of  the  most  un 
happy  temper,  not  only  behaved  with  disrespect  to  the  com 
mander,  but  soon  assumed  to  act  as  he  pleased,  and  as  an 
independent  commander,  refusing  to  obey  the  signals  of  the 
commodore,  giving  chase  where  or  how  he  thought  fit,  and 
availing  himself  of  any  pretext  to  leave  the  squadron,  which 
he  finally  abandoned.  Several  prizes  were  made  on  the  first 
days  of  the  cruise,  and  more  might  have  been  captured,  had 
a  good  understanding  subsisted  among  the  commanders. 

From  the  3d  of  September  till  the  13th  the  weather  was 
stormy,  and  Jones  continued  to  beat  about  the  coasts  of  Scot 
land.  The  Alliance  had  again  separated  from  the  Bon  Homme 


ATTEMPT  ON  LEITH. 


113 


Storm  off  the  coast  of  Scotland, 


Richard ;  and  there  remained  of  the  squadron  only  the  Com 
modore's  ship,  with  the  Pallas  and  Vengeance.  "Yet,"  says 
Jones,  "I  did  not  abandon  the  hope  of  performing  some  essen 
tial  service." 

It  was  at  this  time  he  offered  that  attempt  on  Leith,  by 
which,  in  one  quarter  of  Scotland,  the  formidable  name  of 
"  Paul  Jones"  is  still  best  remembered.  The  following  par 
ticulars  are  taken  from  his  letter  to  Dr.  Franklin,  giving  an 
account  of  his  cruise  to  be  transmitted  to  Congress.  The 
letter  is  dated  October  3,  1779,  on  board  the  ship  of  war 
Serapis,  at  anchor  without  the  Texel : — 

"  The  winds  continued  to  be  contrary,  so  that  we  did  not 
see  the  land  till  the  evening  of  the  13th,  when  the  hills  of 
Cheviot,  in  the  south-east  of  Scotland,  appeared.  The  next 
day  we  chased  sundry  vessels,  and  took  a  ship  and  a  brig- 
antine,  both  from  the  frith  of  Edinburgh,  laden  with  coal. 
Knowing  that  there  lay  at  anchor  in  Leith  Road  an  armed 
ship  of  20  guns,  with  two  or  three  fine  cutters,  I  formed  an 
10* 


114  JONES'S  SUMMONS. 

expedition  against  Leith,  which  I  purposed  to  lay  under  con 
tribution,  or  otherwise  to  reduce  it  to  ashes.  Had  I  been 
alone,  the  wind  being  favourable,  I  would  have  proceeded 
directly  up  the  frith,  and  must  have  succeeded,  as  they  lay  then 
in  a  state  of  perfect  indolence  and  security,  which  would  have 
proved  their  ruin.  Unfortunately  for  me,  the  Pallas  and  Ven 
geance  were  both  at  a  considerable  distance  in  the  offing,  they 
having  chased  to  the  southward.  This  obliged  me  to  steer 
out  of  the  frith  again  to  meet  them.  The  captains  of  the 
Pallas  and  Vengeance  being  come  on  board  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard,  I  communicated  to  them  my  project,  to  which  many 
difficulties  and  objections  were  made  by  them.  At  last,  how 
ever,  they  appeared  to  think  better  of  the  design,  after  I  had 
assured  (them)  that  I  hoped  to  raise  a  contribution  of  200,0007. 
sterling  on  Leith,  and  that  there  was  no  battery  of  cannon 
there  to  oppose  our  landing.  So  much  time,  however,  was 
unavoidably  spent  in  pointed  remarks  and  sage  deliberations 
that  night,  that  the  wind  became  contrary  in  the  morning." 

That  nothing  might  be  wanting,  Commodore  Jones  mean 
while  prepared  his  summons  to  the  Magistrates  of  Leith.  In 
that  locality  it  must  still  be  an  interesting  document ;  and  as 
such  we  give  it  at  full  length,  not  doubting  that  the  worship 
ful  persons  for  whom  it  was  intended,  if  any  of  them  should 
haply  still  survive,  will  see  it  for  the  first  time  with  more  satis 
faction  in  these  harmless  pages  than  had  it  reached  its  desti 
nation  fifty  years  back.  Jones  felt  greatly  chagrined  and 
disappointed  at  the  failure  of  this  enterprise. 

"  The  Honourable  J.  Paul  Jones,  Commander -in- Chief  of  the  American 
Squadron  now  in  Europe,  fyc.,  to  the  Worshipful  the  Provost  of  Leith, 
or,  in  his  absence,  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  who  is  now  actually  pre 
sent  and  in  authority  there. 

"  SIR, 

"  The  British  marine  force  that  has  been  stationed  here  for 
the  protection  of  your  city  and  commerce  being  now  taken 
by  the  American  arms  under  my  command,  I  have  the 


JONES'S  SUMMONS.  115 

honour  to  send  you  this  summons  by  my  officer,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  De  Chamillard,  who  commands  the  vanguard  of  my 
troops.  I  do  not  wish  to  distress  the  poor  inhabitants ;  my 
intention  is  only  to  demand  your  contribution  towards  the  re 
imbursement  which  Britain  owes  to  the  much-injured  citizens 
of  the  United  States, — for  savages  would  blush  at  the  unmanly 
violation  and  rapacity  that  has  marked  the  tracks  of  British 
tyranny  in  America,  from  which  neither  virgin  innocence  nor 
helpless  age  has  been  a  plea  of  protection  or  pity. 

"  Leith  and  its  port  now  lies  at  our  mercy  ;  and  did  not 
our  humanity  stay  the  hand  of  just  retaliation,  I  should,  with 
out  advertisement,  lay  it  in  ashes.  Before  I  proceed  to  that 
stern  duty  as  an  officer,  my  duty  as  a  man  induces  me  to 
propose  to  you,  by  the  means  of  a  reasonable  ransom,  to  pre 
vent  such  a  scene  of  horror  and  distress.  For  this  reason,  I 
have  authorized  Lieutenant-Colonel  De  Chamillard,  to  con 
clude  and  agree  with  you  on  the  terms  of  ransom,  allowing 
you  exactly  half  an  hour's  reflection  before  you  finally  accept 
or  reject  the  terms  which  he  shall  propose  (200,0007.)  If  you 
accept  the  terms  offered  within  the  time  limited,  you  may 
rest  assured  that  no  further  debarkation  of  troops  will  be 
made,  but  that  the  re-embarkation  of  the  vanguard  will  im 
mediately  follow,  and  that  the  property  of  the  citizens  shall 
remain  unmolested. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  sentiments  of  due  respect, 
Sir,  your  very  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

"  PAUL  JONES. 

"On  board  the  American  ship-of-war  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  at  anchor  in 
the  Road  of  Leith,  September  the  17th,  1779." 

The  copy  of  the  letter  now  lying  before  us  contains  the  N. 
B.  subjoined  to  it,  in  his  own  hand-writing ; — 

"  N.  B. — The  sudden  and  violent  storm  which  arose  in  the 
moment  when  the  squadron  was  abreast  of  Keith  Island,* 

*  Inchkeith  Island. 


116  ADVENTURE. 

which  forms  the  entrance  of  the  Road  of  Leith,  rendered  im 
practicable  the  execution  of  the  foregoing  project." 

The  three  ships  had  lain  so  long  off  and  on  the  coast,  that 
alarm  was  general;  and  on  the  15th  an  express  reached 
Edinburgh,  sent  to  the  commander-in-chief  and  to  the  Board 
of  Customs,  with  accounts  that  three  strange  ships  were  seen 
off  Eyemouth  on  the  afternoon  of  the  14th,  which  had  made 
two  prizes ;  and  that  a  ship,  supposed  to  mount  40  or  50  guns, 
was  seen  off  Dunbar.  At  5,  P.  M.,  on  the  16th,  they  were 
distinctly  seen  from  Edinburgh  sailing  up  the  Frith  of  Forth ; 
but  whether  they  were  French  vessels  or  the  squadron  of 
Paul  Jones,  was  not  yet  ascertained.  The  alarm  along  the 
coast  was  become  general ;  batteries  were  hastily  erected  at 
Leith,  and  the  incorporated  trades  bravely  petitioned  for  arms, 
which  were  supplied  from  the  castle  of  Edinburgh.  Yet  the 
audacity  of  the  American  commander  so  far  blinded  some  of 
the  spectators  on  the  northern  shores,  that  on  the  17th  a  boat 
with  five  men  came  off  from  the  coast  of  Fife  to  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard,  soliciting  powder  and  shot  in  the  name  of  a 
certain  landed  proprietor,  who  wished  "  to  have  the  means  of 
defending  himself  from  the  expected  visit  of  the  pirate  Paul 
Jones."  So  far  as  powder  went,  this  request  was  politely 
complied  with ;  but  the  commodore  declined  sending  any  shot. 

On  the  15th  a  small  collier  had  been  captured,  the  master 
of  which  from  his  knowledge  of  the  coast,  and  subserviency 
to  his  captor,  was  of  the  greatest  use  to  Jones  in  his  intended 
project. — When  he  afterwards  abandoned  the  enterprise,  he 
gave  this  man  up  his  vessel,  "  on  account  of  his  attachment 
to  America,  and  the  faithful  information  and  important  services 
he  rendered  me, "  says  Jones,  "  by  his  general  knowledge  of 
the  east  coast  of  Britain.  I  had  given  orders  to  sink  the  old 
vessel,  when  the  tears  of  this  honest  man  prevailed  over  my 
intention." 

The  narrative  of  this  bold  though  abortive  attempt  will  be 
best  given  in  Jones's  own  words  : — 


A  STORM. 


117 


Adventure  on  the  Coast  of  Fife. 


"  We  continued  working  to  windward  of  the  Frith,  without 
being  able  to  reach  the  road  of  Leith,  till  on  the  morning  of 
the  17th,  when,  being  almost  within  cannon-shot  of  the  town, 
having  everything  in  readiness  for  a  descent,  a  very  severe 
gale  of  wind  came  on,  and,  being  directly  contrary,  obliged 
us  to  bear  away,  after  having  in  vain  endeavoured  for  some 
time  to  withstand  its  violence.  The  gale  was  so  severe,  that 
one  of  the  prizes  that  were  taken  on  the  14th  sunk  to  the  bot 
tom,  the  crew  being  with  difficulty  saved.  As  the  clamour 
had  by  this  time  reached  Leith,  by  means  of  a  cutter  that  had 
watched  our  motions  that  morning,  and  as  the  wind  continued 
contrary,  (though  more  moderate  in  the  evening,)  I  thought 
it  impossible  to  pursue  the  enterprise  with  a  good  prospect  of 
success,  especially  as  Edinburgh,  where  there  is  always  a 
number  of  troops,  is  only  a  mile  distant  from  Leith ;  therefore 
I  gave  up  the  project."* 

*  The  prodigious  sensation  caused  by  the  appearance  of  the  squadron  of 
Paul  Jones  in  the  Frith  of  Forth  is  hardly  yet  forgotten  on  the  coast  of  Fife. 
There  are  various  accounts  of  the  manner  in  which  this  daring  attempt  was 
defeated.  The  17th  September,  when  Jones  advanced  to  Leith,  happened  to 
be»a  Sunday.  His  ship,  the  Bon  Horn  ne  Richard,  stood  at  times  so  near  the 


118  JONES'S  DIFFICULTIES. 

It  was  the  misfortune  of  Paul  Jones,  in  almost  every  im 
portant  crisis  of  his  life,  to  be  either  clogged  by  the  timid 
counsels  of  those  about  him,  whose  genius  and  courage  could 
not  keep  pace  with  his,  or  to  be  thwarted  by  the  baser  feelings 
of  ignoble  rivalship.  In  no  other  service  than  that  of 
America,  still  struggling  for  a  doubtful  existence  as  an  inde 
pendent  state,  and  without  either  power  or  means  to  enforce 
due  obedience  throughout  the  gradations  of  the  public  ser 
vice,  could  such  insubordination  as  was  displayed  by  his 
force  have  been  tolerated.  The  French  officers  under  Jones 
at  this  time,  besides  the  feelings  of  national  and  professional 

northern  shores  as  to  be  distinctly  seen  by  the  crowds  assembled  on  the  beach, 
and  on  the  commanding  heights  in  the  neighbourhood.  At  one  time  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  was  not  more  than  a  mile  from  Kirkcaldy,  a  thriving  and 
wealthy  seaport.  The  alarm  was  naturally  very  great  in  that  town ;  and  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Shirra,  a  worthy  and  a  very  eccentric  dissenting  clergyman,  remark 
able  for  his  quaint  humour,  instead  of  holding  forth  in  the  church  as  at  ordi 
nary  times,  where  on  this  day  he  would  have  had  but  a  thin  audience,  repaired 
to  the  fine  level  sandy  beach  of  Kirkcaldy,  and  soon  attracted  a  very  numer 
ous  congregation.  Here  he  prayed  most  fervently  and  earnestly,  with  that 
homely  and  familiar  eloquence  by  which  his  sermons  and  prayers  were  dis 
tinguished,  that  the  enterprise  of  "  the  piratical  invader  Paul  Jones  might  be 
defeated."  For  once,  it  may  be  believed,  the  hearts  of  a  congregation  went 
with  their  minister.  That  violent  gale,  so  much  lamented  by  Paul  Jones, 
suddenly  rose, — the  alleged  consequence  of  Mr.  Shirra's  powerful  intercession. 
Such  was  long  the  popular  belief.  When,  in  after  periods,  this  good  old  man 
was  questioned  on  the  subject,  and  complimented  on  the  prevailing  spirit  of 
his  prayer,  which  had  so  opportunely  raised  the  wind  that  blew  off'  Paul 
Jones,  his  usual  reply,  disclaiming  the  full  extent  of  the  compliment,  was, — 
"  I  prayed, — but  the  LORD  sent  the  wind." 

A  gentleman,  writing  shortly  afterwards  from  Amsterdam  to  his  friend  in 
Leith,  says, — "  You  may  «ount  it  a  very  fortunate  circumstance  that  this 
gentleman  (Commodore  Jones)  was  prevented  from  hurting  you  when  he  was 
in  your  Frith  by  a  strong  westerly  wind,  and  the  springing  of  a  mast ;  as,  in 
a  conversation  I  had  with  him  in  the  city,  he  assured  me  that  his  intention 
was  to  seize  the  shipping  in  the  harbour,  and  to  set  fire  to  such  as  he  could  not 
carry  off.  He  seemed  to  be  well  acquainted  with  the  coast,  and  knew  that 
there  was  no  force  to  oppose  him."  Jones  is  described  at  this  time,  by  those  who 
saw  him,  as  being  "dressed  in  the  American  uniform,  with  a  Scotch  bonnet,  edged 
with  gold, — as  a  middling  stature,  stern  countenance,  and  swarthy  complexioji." 


JONES'S  COMPLAINTS.  ]\g 

rivalship,  had  also  too  little  experience  of  the  capacity  of 
their  commander  to  give  him  that  entire  confidence  so  indis 
pensable  to  success.  His  ill-fortune,  with  these  uncongenial 
associates,  was  the  more  distressing,  as  their  opposition  or 
fears,  while  they  baffled  his  enterprises,  averted  no  real 
danger  to  which  the  loitering  squadron  might  be  exposed. 
The  conduct  of  the  agents  of  the  court  of  France  had  also 
promoted  and  even  authorised  this  unhappy  insubordination 
of  which  the  commodore,  after  his  return  to  the  Texel,  bit 
terly  complained.  "  I  must,"  he  says,  "  speak  plainly ;  as  I 
have  been  always  honoured  with  the  full  confidence  of  Con 
gress,  and  as  I  also  flattered  myself  writh  enjoying,  in  some 
measure,  the  confidence  of  the  court  of  France,  I  could  not 
but  be  astonished  at  the  conduct  of  M.  de  Chaumont,  when, 
in  the  moment  of  my  departure  from  Groix,  he  produced  a 
paper  or  concordat  for  me  to  sign  in  common  with  the  officers 
whom  I  had  commissioned  but  a  few  days  before.  Had  this 
paper,  or  even  a  less  dishonourable  one,  been  proposed  to  me  at 
the  beginning,  I  would  have  rejected  it  with  just  contempt." 

The  other  enterprise,  which,  after  having  failed  at  Leith, 
Jones  so  reluctantly  abandoned,  is  not  exactly  known.  It 
might  have  been  against  Hull  or  Newcastle.  It  had  been  a 
favourite  project  with  him  in  the  former  year  to  distress  Lon 
don  by  destroying  the  coal-shipping. 

Jones  had  now  the  mortifying  prospect  of  going  into  the 
Texel  with  merely  a  few  prizes,  the  sole  fruit  of  a  long  cruise 
with  a  formidable  maritime  armament,  when  fortune  threw 
in  his  way  the  most  brilliant  achievement  of  his  public  life. 


12f) 


THE  GREAT  BATTLE. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


HE  engagement  between  the 
Serapis  and  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  was  the  most  despe 
rate  in  naval  chronicles.  As 
a  close  and  deadly  fight,  hand 
to  hand,  and  accompanied  by 
all  the  dreadful  circumstances 
that  can  attend  a  sea-engage 
ment,  it  has  no  parallel.  Its  in 
cidents  have  been  selected  as  the  foundation  of  fictitious  nar 
ratives  of  maritime  combats,  from  exceeding  in  intense  interest 
the  boldest  imaginings  of  the  poet  and  the  novelist* 

This  battle  was  fought  on  the  23d  September,  under  a  full 
harvest-moon, — thousands  of  spectators,  we  are  told,  watch 
ing  the  .engagement  from  the  English  shore,  with  anxiety 

*  Mr.  Cooper,  the  celebrated  American  novelist,  and  Allan  Cunningham, 
have  both  chosen  PAUL  JONES  as  the  hero  of  romances,  very  different  in  char 
acter,  but  equally  admirable  each  in  its  peculiar  style.  Mr.  Cunningham  has 
certainly  in  many  instances  made  wild  work  with  the  sober  facts  of  history ; 
and,  considering  the  very  recent  period  in  which  his  hero  flourished,  takes 
larger  poetical  license  than  is  quite  admissible.  The  charms  and  accomplish 
ments  allotted  to  some  of  Paul's  female  relatives  would  probably  have  been 
disclaimed  by  these  ladies  if  purchased  at  the  expense  of  the  fair  and  spotless 
fame  of  their  maternal  ancestor.  However,  if  Mr.  Cunningham  imagined  this 
cast  of  character  best  suited  to  his  purposes,  there  is  no  great  harm  done. 
Few  live  to  feel  oifence, — none  to  believe  in  those  romantic  passages,  which 
ewe  their  existence  solely  to  the  imagination  of  the  poet.  In  painting  Scot 
tish  scenery,  and  embodying  romantic  tradition,  Mr.  Cunningham  is  in  his 
work  as  much  at  home  as  is  the  author  of  "  THE  PILOT"  in  those  fields  of  ocean 
which,  as  a  novelist,  he  at  present  "  possesses  as  his  own  domain." 


A  FLEET  ENCOUNTERED.  121 

corresponding  to  the  deep  interest  of  the  game.  No  account 
of  this  memorable  engagement  can  equal  the  simple  and  ani 
mated  narrative  of  the  main  actor,  which  we  purpose  to  adopt. 
It  is  to  be  noticed,  that  while  Jones  engaged  the  Serapis,  the 
Pallas  fought  the  Countess  of  Scarborough.  The  commence 
ment  of  the  engagements  was  simultaneous,  but  the  Countess 
of  Scarborough  had  struck  while  the  Serapis  still  held  desper 
ately  out. 

"  On  the  21st,"  says  Jones,  "  we  saw  and  chased  two  sail 
offFlamborough  Head;  the  Pallas  chased  in"  the  N.  E.  quarter, 
while  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  followed  by  the  Vengeance, 
chased  in  the  S.  W.;  the  one  I  chased,  a  brigantine  collier  in 
ballast,  belonging  to  Scarborough,  was  soon  taken,  and  sunk 
immediately  afterwards,  as  a  fleet  then  appeared  to  the  south- 


Meeting'of  the  fleets. 

ward.  This  was  so  late  in  the  day,  that  I  could  not  come  up 
with  the  fleet  before  night ;  at  length,  however,  I  got  so  near 
one  of  them  as  to  force  her  to  run  ashore  between  Flam- 
borough  Head  and  the  Spurn.  Soon  after  I  took  another,  a 
brigantine  from  Holland,  belonging  to  Sunderland,  and  at  day 
light  the  next  morning,  seeing  a  fleet  steering  towards  me 
from  the  Spurn,  I  imagined  them  to  be  a  convoy  bound  from 
London  for  Leith,  which  had  been  for  some  time  expected. 
One  of  them  had  a  pendant  hoisted,  arid  appeared  to  be  a  ship 
11 


122  ADVENTURE  OFF  THE  HUMBER. 

of  force.  They  had  not,  however,  courage  to  come  on,  but 
kept  back,  all  except  the  one  which  seemed  to  be  armed,  and 
that  one  also  kept  to  windward,  very  near  the  land,  and  on 
the  edge  of  dangerous  shoals,  where  I  could  not  with  safety 
approach.  This  induced  me  to  make  a  signal  for  a  pilot,  and 
soon  afterwards  two  pilots'  boats  came  off.  They  informed 
me  that  a  ship  that  wore  a  pendant  was  an  armed  merchant 
man,  and  that  a  king's  frigate  lay  there  in  sight,  at  anchor, 
within  the  Humber,  awaiting  to  take  under  convoy  a  number 


Adventure  ofi'the  Humber. 


of  merchant  ships  bound  to  the  northward.  The  pilots 
imagined  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  to  be  an  English  ship  of 
war,  and  consequently  communicated  to  me  the  private  signal 
which  they  had  been  required  to  make.  I  endeavoured  by 
this  means  to  decoy  the  ships  out  of  the  port ;  but  the  wind 
then  changing,  and,  with  the  tide,  becoming  unfavourable 
for  them,  the  deception  had  not  the  desired  effect,  and  they 
wisely  put  back.  The  entrance  of  the  Humber  is  exceedingly 
difficult  and  dangerous,  and  as  the  Pallas  was  not  in  sight,  I 


THE  CHASE.  123 

thought  it  imprudent  to  remain  off  the  entrance,  therefore 
steered  out  again  to  join  the  Pallas  ofTFlamborough  Head.  In 
the  night  we  saw  and  chased  two  ships  until  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  when,  being  at  a  very  small  distance  from  them,  I 
made  the  private  signal  of  reconnoissance,  which  I  had  given 
to  each  captain  before  I  sailed  from  Groix :  one  half  of  the 
answer  only  was  returned.  In  this  position  both  sides  lay  to 
till  daylight,  when  the  ships  proved  to  be  the  Alliance  and 
the  Pallas. 

"  On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  23d,  the  brig  from  Hol 
land  riot  being  in  sight,  we  chased  a  brigantine  that  appeared 
laying  to,  to  windward.  About  noon  we  saw  and  chased  a 
large  ship  that  appeared  coming  round  Flamborough  Head 
from  the  northward,  and  at  the  same  time  I  manned  and 
armed  one  of  the  pilot-boats  to  send  in  pursuit  of  the  briganr 
tine,  which  now  appeared  to  be  the  vessel  that  I  had  forced 
ashore.  Soon  after  this  a  fleet  of  forty-one  sail  appeared  off 
Flamborough  Head,  bearing  N.  N.  E.  This  induced  me  to 
abandon  the  single  ship  which  had  then  anchored  in  Burlington 
Bay ;  I  also  called  back  the  pilot-boat,  and  hoisted  a  signal 
for  a  general  chase.  When  the  fleet  discovered  us  bearing 
down,  all  the  merchant  ships  crowded  sail  towards  the  shore. 
The  two  ships  of  war  that  protected  the  fleet  at  the  same  time 
steered  from  the  land,  and  made  the  disposition  for  battle.  In 
approaching  the  enemy,  I  crowded  every  possible  sail,  and  made 
the  signal  for  the  line  of  battle,  to  which  the  Alliance  showed 
no  attention.  Earnest  as  I  was  for  the  action,  I  could  not 
reach  the  commodore's  ship  until  seven  in  the  evening,  being 
then  within  pistol-shot,  when  he  hailed  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard.  We  answered  him  by  firing  a  whole  broadside. 

"  The  battle  being  thus  begun,  was  continued  with  unremit 
ting  fury.  Every  method  was  practised  on  both  sides  to  gain 
an  advantage,  and  rake  each  other ;  and  I  must  confess  that 
the  enemy's  ship,  being  much  more  manageable  than  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard,  gained  thereby  several  times  an  advanta- 


124 


THE  BATTLE  BEGUN. 


The  Richard  and  Serapis.     Beginning  of  the  action. 


geous  situation,  in  spite  of  my  best  endeavours  to  prevent  it. 
As  I  had  to  deal  with  an  enemy  of  greatly  superior  force,  I 
was  under  the  necessity  of  closing  with  him,  to  prevent  the 
advantage  which  he  had  over  me  in  point  of  manoeuvre.  It 
was  my  intention  to  lay  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  athwart  the 
enemy's  bow ;  but  as  that  operation  required  great  dexterity 
in  the  management  of  both  sails  and  helm,  and  some  of  our 
braces  being  shot  away,  it  did  not  exactly  succeed  to  my 
wish.  The  enemy's  bowsprit,  however,  came  over  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard's  poop  by  the  mizen-mast,  and  I  made  both 
ships  fast  together  in  that  situation,  which,  by  the  action  of 
the  wind  on  the  enemy's  sails,  forced  her  stern  close  to  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard's  bow,  so  that  the  ships  lay  square 
alongside  of  each  other,  the  yards  being  all  entangled,  and  the 
cannon  of  each  ship  touching  the  opponent's.  When  this 
position  took  place,  it  was  eight  o'clock,  previous  to  which  the 


CLOSE  ACTION. 


125 


The  Richard  and  Serapis.    Close  action. 


Bon  Homme  Richard  had  received  sundry  eighteen-pound 
shots  below  the  water,  and  leaked  very  much.  My  battery 
of  twelve-pounders,  on  which  I  had  placed  my  chief  depend 
ence,  being  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Dale  and  Colonel 
Weibert,  and  manned  principally  with  American  seamen  and 
French  volunteers,  was  entirely  silenced  and  abandoned.  As 
to  the  six  old  eighteen-pounders  that  formed  the  battery  of  the 
lower  gun-deck,  they  did  no  service  whatever,  except  firing 
eight  shot  in  all.  Two  out  of  three  of  them  burst  at  the  first 
fire,  and  killed  almost  all  the  men  who  were  stationed  to  man 
age  them.  Before  this  time,  too,  Colonel  de  Chamillard,  who 
commanded  a  party  of  twenty  soldiers  on  the  poop,  had  aban 
doned  that  station,  after  having  lost  some  of  his  men.  I  had 
now  only  two  pieces  of  cannon,  (nine-pounders,)  on  the  quarter 
deck,  that  were  not  silenced,  and  not  one  of  the  heavier  cannon 
was  fired  during  the  rest  of  the  action.  The  purser,  M. 
Mease,  who  commanded  the  guns  on  the  quarter-deck,  being 
dangerously  wounded  in  the  head,  I  was  obliged  to  fill  his 
place,  and  with  great  difficulty  rallied  a  few  men,  and  shifted 
over  one  of  the  lee  quarter-deck  guns,  so  that  we  afterwards 
played  three  pieces  of  nine-pounders  upon  the  enemy.  The 
11  * 


126  THE  RICHARD  AND  SERAPIS. 

tops  alone  seconded  the  fire  of  this  little  battery,  and  held  out 
bravely  during  the  whole  of  the  action,  especially  the  main 
top,  where  Lieutenant  Stack  commanded.  I  directed  the  fire 
of  one  of  the  three  cannon  against  the  main-mast,  with  double- 
headed  shot,  while  the  other  two  were  exceedingly  well  served 
with  grape  and  canister  shot,  to  silence  the  enemy's  musketry 
and  clear  her  decks,  which  was  at  last  effected.  The  enemy 
were,  as  I  have  since  understood,  on  the  instant  of  calling  for 
quarters,  when  the  cowardice  or  treachery  of  three  of  my 
under-officers  induced  them  to  call  to  the  enemy.  The  Eng 
lish  commodore  asked  me  if  I  demanded  quarters,  and  I 
having  answered  him  in  the  most  determined  negative,  they 
renewed  the  battle  with  double  fury.  They  were  unable  to 
stand  the  deck ;  but  the  fire  of  their  cannon,  especially  the 
lower  battery,  which  was  entirely  formed  of  ten-pounders, 
was  incessant;  both  ships  were  set  on  fire  in  various  places, 
and  the  scene  was  dreadful  beyond  the  reach  of  language. 
To  account  for  the  timidity  of  my  three  under-officers,  I  mean 
the  gunner,  the  carpenter,  and  the  master-at-arms,  I  must  ob 
serve,  that  the  two  first  were  slightly  wounded,  and,  as  the 
ship  had  received  various  shot  under  water,  and  one  of  the 
pumps  being  shot  away,  the  carpenter  expressed  his  fears  that 
she  would  sink,  and  the  other  two  concluded  that  she  was 
sinking,  which  occasioned  the  gunner  to  run  aft  on  the  poop, 
without  my  knowledge,  to  strike  the  colours.  Fortunately 
for  me,  a  cannon-ball  had  done  that  before,  by  carrying  away 
the  ensign-staff;  he  was  therefore  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
sinking,  as  he  supposed,  or  of  calling  for  quarter,  and  he  pre 
ferred  the  latter. 

"  All  this  time  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  had  sustained  the 
action  alone,  and  the  enemy,  though  much  superior  in  force, 
would  have  been  very  glad  to  have  got  clear,  as  appears  by 
their  own  acknowledgments,  and  by  their  having  let  go  an 
anchor  the  instant  that  I  laid  them  on  board,  by  which  means 


(128) 


SITUATION  OF  THE  RICHARD.  129 

they  would  have  escaped,  had  I  not  made  them  well  last  to 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard. 

"  At  last,  at  half-past  nine  o'clock,  the  Alliance  appeared, 
and  I  now  thought  the  battle  at  an  end ;  but,  to  my  utter  as 
tonishment,  he  discharged  a  broadside  full  into  the  stern  of 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  We  called  to  him  for  God's  sake 
to  forbear  firing  into  the  Bon  Homme  Richard ;  yet  they 
passed  along  the  off-side  of  the  ship,  and  continued  firing. 
There  was  no  possibility  of  his  mistaking  the  enemy's  ships 
for  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  there  being  the  most  essential 
difference  in  their  appearance  and  construction.  Besides,  it 
was  then  full  moonlight,  and  the  sides  of  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  were  all  black,  while  the  sides  of  the  prize  were  all 
yellow.  Yet,  for  the  greater  security,  I  showed  the  signal  of 
our  reconnoissance,  by  putting  out  three  lanterns,  one  at  the 
head,  another  at  the  stern,  and  the  third  in  the  middle,  in  a 
horizontal  line.  Every  tongue  cried  that  he  was  firing  into 
the  wrong  ship,  but  nothing  availed ;  he  passed  round,  firing 
into  the  Bon  Homme  Richard's  head,  stern,  and  broadside, 
and  by  one  of  his  volleys  killed  several  of  my  best  men,  and 
mortally  wounded  a  good  officer  on  the  forecastle  only.  My 
situation  was  really  deplorable;  the  Bon  Homme  Richard 
received  various  shot  under  water  from  the  Alliance  ;  the 
leak  gained  on  the  pumps,  and  the  fire  increased  much  on 
board  both  ships.  Some  officers  persuaded  me  to  strike,  of 
whose  courage  and  good  sense  I  entertain  a  high  opinion. 
My  treacherous  master-at-arms  let  loose  all  my  prisoners 
without  my  knowledge,  and  my  prospects  became  gloomy 
indeed.  I  would  not,  however,  give  up  the  point.  The 
enemy's  main-mast  began  to  shake,  their  firing  decreased  fast, 
ours  rather  increased,  and  the  British  colours  were  struck  at 
half  an  hour  past  ten  o'clock. 

"  This  prize  proved  to  be  the  British  ship  of  war  the  Sera- 
pis,  a  new  ship  of  forty- four-guns,  built  on  the  most  approved 
construction,  with  two  complete  batteries,  one  of  them  of 


130  CONDITION  OF  THE  RICHARD. 

eighteen-pounders,  and  commanded  by  the  brave  Commodore 
Richard  Pearson.  I  had  yet  two  enemies  to  encounter,  far 
more  formidable  than  the  Britons, — I  mean  fire  and  water. 
The  Serapis  was  attacked  only  by  the  first,  but  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  was  assailed  by  both ;  there  w^as  five  feet 
water  in  the  hold,  and  though  it  was  moderate  from  the  ex 
plosion  of  so  much  gunpowder,  yet  the  three  pumps  that  re 
mained  could  with  difficulty  only  keep  the  water  from  gain 
ing.  The  fire  broke  out  in  various  parts  of  the  ship  in  spite 
of  all  the  water  that  could  be  thrown  in  to  quench  it,  and  at 
at  length  broke  out  as  low  as  the  powder-magazine,  and 
within  a  few  inches  of  the  powder.  In  that  dilemma  I  took 
out  the  powder  upon  deck,  ready  to  be  thrown  overboard  at 
the  last  extremity,  and  it  was  ten  o'clock  the  next  day  (the 
24th,)  before  the  fire  wras  entirely  extinguished.  With  respect 
to  the  situation  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  the  rudder  was 
cut  entirely  off,  the  stern-frame  and  transoms  were  almost 
entirely  cut  away,  and  the  timbers  by  the  lower  deck,  espe 
cially  from  the  main-mast  towards  the  stern,  being  greatly 
decayed  with  age,  were  mangled  beyond  my  power  of  de 
scription,  and  a  person  must  have  been  an  eye-witness  to 
form  a  just  idea  of  the  tremendous  scene  of  carnage,  wreck, 
and  ruin,  which  everywhere  appeared.  Humanity  cannot 
but  recoil  from  the  prospect  of  such  finished  horror,  and 
lament  that  war  should  be  capable  of  producing  such  fatal 
consequences. 

"  After  the  carpenters,  as  well  as  Captain  Cottineau  and 
other  men  of  sense,  had  well  examined  and  surveyed  the  ship, 
(which  was  not  finished  before  five  in  the  evening,)  I  found 
every  person  to  be  convinced  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard  afloat,  so  as  to  reach  a  p6rt,  if  the 
wind  should  increase,  it  being  then  only  a  very  moderate 
breeze.  I  had  but  little  time  to  remove  my  wounded,  which 
now  became  unavoidable,  and  which  was  effected  in  the 
course  of  the  night  and  next  morning.  I  was  determined  to 


THE  RICHARD  SINKS. 


131 


keep  the  Bon  Hornme  Richard  afloat,  and,  if  possible,  to 
bring  her  into  port.  For  that  purpose,  the  first  lieutenant  of 
the  Pallas,  continued  on  board  with  a  party  of  men,  to  attend 
the  pumps,  with  boats  in  waiting,  ready  to  take  them  on 
board  in  case  the  water  should  gain  on  them  too  fast.  The 
wind  augmented  in  the  night,  and  the  next  day,  the  25th,  so 
that  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  good  old  ship  from  sink 
ing.  They  did  not  abandon  her  till  after  nine  o'clock ;  the 
w^ater  was  then  up  to  the  lower  deck,  and  a  little  after  ten  I 
saw,  with  inexpressible  grief,  the  last  glimpse  of  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard.  No  lives  were  lost  with  the  ship,  but  it  was 
impossible  to  save  the  stores  of  any  sort  whatever.  I  lost 
even  the  best  part  of  my  clothes,  books  and  papers;  and 
several  of  my  officers  lost  all  their  clothes  and  effects. 


'inking  of  the  Eon  Homme  Richard. 


"  Having  thus  endeavoured  to  give  a  clear  and  simple 
relation  of  the  circumstances  and  events  that  have  attended 
the  little  armament  under  my  command,  I  shall  freely  sub 
mit  my  conduct  therein  to  the  censure  of  my  superiors  and 


132  VILLANY  OF  LANDAIS. 

the  impartial  public.  I  beg  leave,  however,  to  observe,  that 
the  force  that  was  put  under  my  command  was  far  from 
being  well  composed,  and  as  the  great  majority  of  the  actors 
in  it  have  appeared  bent  on  the  pursuit  of  interest  only,  I  am 
exceedingly  sorry  that  they  and  I  have  been  at  all  concerned." 
Such  is  the  despatch  which  Commodore  Jones  transmitted 
from  the  Texel  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  afterwards  to  Congress. 
It  is  painful  to  observe  how  often  he  is  forced  to  complain  of 
the  sordidness  or  cowardice  of  his  associates.  To  a  generous 
and  elevated  mind  nothing  could  have  been  more  humiliating 
than  this  necessity.  The  pursuit  of  "  interest  alone"  with 
which  he  so  frequently  charges  his  associates,  is,  however,  a 
positive  virtue  compared  with  the  gratuitous  villany  imputed 
to  Landais,  the  commander  of  the  Alliance.  The  alleged 
conduct  of  this  person,  particularly  during  the  engagement 
between  the  Bou  Homme  Richard  and  the  Serapis,  was  so 
daring  in  atrocity  and  treachery  as  to  exceed  all  reasonable 
belief,  were  it  not  solemnly  asserted,  as  beyond  all  doubt  it 
was  firmly  believed,  by  Jones.  The  general  conduct  of  Lan 
dais  was  that  of  a  malignant  madman,  as  much  incited  by 
the  prevailing  influence  of  frenzy  as  actuated  by  deliberate 
villany.  His  behaviour  during  the  whole  cruise  was  made 
the  subject  of  a  set  of  charges  drawn  up  by  Jones  in  coming 
into  the  Texel,  which  were  attested,  in  whole  or  in  part,  by 
most  of  the  officers  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  and  the  Alli 
ance.  The  fact  of  Landais  firing  into  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  is  also  confirmed  by  the  log-book,+  which  was  pre 
served  when  the  ship  sunk,  and  by  a  very  interesting  and 
seaman-like  narrative  of  the  engagement,  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Dale,t  then  first  lieutenant  of  the  ship.  The  brilliant  success 


+  This    battered  volume,  after  many  adventures  by  land  and  water,   in 
Europe  and  America,  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  George  Napier,  advocate. 

t  This  gentleman    was  subsequently  a  Commodore  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States. 


DESPATCH  TO  FRANKLIN.  133 

of  Jones  at  this  time,  though  far  short  of  his  own  hopes  and 
projects,  gave  him  a  right  to  speak  out  on  affairs  which  left 
a  deeper  sting  in  his  mind  than  even  the  perfidy  of  Landais. 
He  thus  concludes  his  despatch : — 


• 

Commodore  Dale. 


"  I  am  in  the  highest  degree  sensible  of  the  singular  atten 
tions  which  I  have  experienced  from  the  Court  of  France, 
which  I  shall  remember  with  perfect  gratitude  until  the  end 
of  my  life,  and  will  always  endeavour  to  merit,  while  I  can 
consistent  with  my  honour  continue  in  the  public  service.  I 
must  speak  plainly ;  as  I  have  been  always  honoured  with  the 
full  confidence  of  Congress,  and  as  I  also  flattered  myself 
12 


134  DESPATCH  TO  FRANKLIN. 

with  enjoying  in  some  measure  the  confidence  of  the  court  of 
France,  I  could  not  but  be  astonished  at  the  conduct  of  Mon 
sieur  de  Chaumont,  when,  in  the  moment  of  my  departure 
from  Groix,  he  produced  a  paper,  a  concordat,  for  me  to  sign, 
in  common  with  the  officers  whom  I  had  commissioned  but 
a  few  days  before.  Had  that  paper,  or  even  a  less  dishon 
ourable  one,  been  proposed  to  me  at  the  beginning,  I  would 
have  rejected  it  with  just  contempt,  and  the  word  deplacement, 
among  others,  should  have  been  necessary*  I  cannot,  how 
ever,  even  now  suppose  that  he  was  authorized  by  the  court 
to  make  such  a  bargain  with  me.  Nor  can  I  suppose  that 
the  minister  of  the  Marine  meant  that  M.  de  Chaumont  should 
consider  me  merely  as  a  colleague  with  the  commanders  of  the 
other  ships,  and  communicate  to  them  not  only  all  he  knew 
but  all  he  thought  respecting  our  destination  and  operations. 
M.  de  Chaumont  has  made  me  various  reproaches  on  account 
of  the  expense  of  the  Bon  Horn  me  Richard,  wherewith  I  can 
not  think  I  have  been  justly  chargeable.  M.  de  Chamillard 
can  attest  that  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  was  at  last  far  from 
being  well  fitted  or  armed  for  war.  If  any  person  or  persons 
who  have  been  charged  with  the  expense  of  that  armament 
have  acted  wrong,  the  fault  must  not  be  laid  to  my  charge. 
I  had  no  authority  to  superintend  that  armament,  and  the 
persons  who  had  authority  were  so  far  from  giving  me  what 
I  thought  necessary,  that  M.  de  Chaumont  even  refused, 
among  other  things,  to  allow  me  htons  to  secure  the  prisoners 
of  war. 

"  In  short,  while  my  life  remains,  if  I  have  any  capacity  to 
render  good  and  acceptable  services  to  the  common  cause,  no 
man  will  step  forth  with  greater  cheerfulness  and  alacrity 
than  myself;  but  I  am  not  made  to  be  dishonoured,  nor  can  I 
accept  of  the  half-confidence  of  any  man  living.  Of  course  I 
cannot,  consistent  with  my  honour,  and  a  prospect  of  success, 
undertake  future  expeditions,  unless  when  the  object  and  des 
tination  is  communicated  to  me  alone,  and  to  no  other  person 


JONES'S  SPIES.  ,  ,.  135 

in  the  marine  line.  In  cases  where  troops  are  embarked,  a 
like  confidence  is  due  alone  to  their  commander-in-chief.  On 
no  other  condition  will  I  ever  undertake  the  chief  command 
of  a  private  expedition ;  and  when  I  do  not  command  in  chief, 
I  have  no  desire  to  be  in  the  secret." 

In  the  memorial  drawn  up  for  the  private  perusal  of  the 
king  of  France,  Jones  says  that  it  was  his  intention  at  this 
time  to  cruise  off  the  south-west  of  Ireland  for  twelve  or 
fifteen  days,  in  order  to  intercept  the  English  homeward-bound 
East  India  ships,  which  he  had  been  informed  would  return 
without  convoy,  and  sail  for  this  point  of  land.  This  purpose, 
which  he  confined  to  his  own  breast,  and  which  would  have 
been  rendered  abortive  by  the  misconduct  of  Landais,  was 
quite  compatible  with  the  other  objects  of  the  cruise,  whether 
these  were  the  West  India,  or  Hudson's  Bay  ships,  or  the 
Baltic  fleet. 

The  earliness  and  accuracy  of  the  information  which  Jones 
procured  while  he  lay  in  the  various  harbours  of  France  is 
not  a  little  remarkable.  Instead  of  receiving  intelligence 
from  the  American  ministers,  he  was  enabled,  through  his 
own  private  channels  in  England  and  other  quarters,  to  trans 
mit  to  them  information  of  the  sailing  of  fleets  and  of  the 
strength  of  convoys.  His  former  connexions  and  mode  of 
life  may  have  given  him  some  facilities ;  and  money,  the 
universal  agent,  never  appears  to  have  been  with  him  an  ob 
ject  of  any  consideration  beyond  its  value  as  a  means  of 
obtaining  professional  advancement.  He  was  able  to  supply 
the  French  Admiral,  Count  d'Orvilliers,  with  important  infor 
mation  from  London,  of  the  sailing  of  a  large  West  India 
fleet,  and  even  to  acquaint  him  with  private  transactions  on 
board  the  squadrons  of  Keppel  and  Byron. 

Meanwhile  the  squadron  of  Jones,  which  the  narrative  has 
left  behind,  continued  to  be  tossed  about  till  the  3rd  of  October, 
when  it  came  to  anchor  in  the  Texel,  contrary  to  the  judgment 
of  the  commodore,  who  wished  to  gain  the  French  harbour 


136  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  SQUADRON. 

of  Dunkirk,  but  was,  he  says,  overruled  by  his  officers.  The 
rendezvous  he  found,  was  the  cause  of  much  personal  vexation 
to  himself,  though  it  proved  of  ultimate  advantage  to  America, 
by  hurrying  on  the  period  when  the  Dutch  were  forced  from 
their  politic  neutrality.  The  political  importance  of  this  mea 
sure  might  have  been  foreseen  by  Franklin,  when  in  the  pre 
vious  summer  he  directed  Jones,  on  finishing  his  northern 
cruise,  to  take  shelter  in  the  Texel.  By  doing  so,  the  Ameri 
can  minister  greatly  increased  the  perplexity  of  their  High 
Mightinesses,  on  whom  the  cabinet  of  London  already — and 
with  good  reason — looked  with  suspicious  eyes.  By  this  step 
the  Dutch  were  in  effect  precipitated  into  the  war  rather  sooner 
than  suited  their  crafty  and  selfish  policy,  which,  in  shuffling 
with  all  parties,  sought  to  profit  by  all.  By  compelling  Eng 
land  to  declare  war,  and  the  Dutch  to  declare  openly  for  the 
United  States,  an  end  was  virtually  put  to  a  contest,  in  which 
Britain  was  left  to  contend  single-handed  with  her  refractory 
colonies,  then  backed  by  France,  Spain,  and  Holland. 

Though  the  squadron  of  Jones  had  failed  in  its  main  purpose, 
and  had  neither  captured  fleets,  nor  put  wealthy  cities  to  ran 
som,  the  blow  struck  at  the  maritime  pride  of  England  could 
not  fail  to  be  highly  gratifying  to  the  Americans.  Dr.  Frank 
lin  immediately  wrote,  warmly  congratulating  the  victor. — 
"  For  some  days,"  says  Franklin,  "  after  the  arrival  of  your 
express,  scarce  anything  was  talked  of  at  Paris  and  Versailles, 
but  your  cool  conduct  and  persevering  bravery  during  that 
terrible  conflict.  You  may  believe  that  the  impression  on  my 
mind  was  not  less  strong  than  that  on  others, — but  I  do  not 
choose  to  say  in  a  letter  to  yourself  all  I  think  on  such  an 
occasion. 

"  The  ministry  are  much  dissatisfied  with  Captain  Landais, 
and  Monsieur  de  Sartine  has  signified  to  me  in  writing,  that 
it  is  expected  that  I  should  send  for  him  to  Paris,  and  call  him 
to  account  for  his  conduct,  particularly  for  deferring  so  long 
his  coming  to  your  assistance  ;  by  wrhich  means,  it  is  supposed, 


JONES  RECEIVES  THANKS.  137 

the  States  lost  some  of  their  valuable  citizens,  and  the  king 
lost  many  of  his  subjects,  volunteers  in  your  ship,  together  with 
the  ship  itself. 

"I  have,  accordingly,  written  to  him  this. day,  acquainting 
him,  that  he  is  charged  with  disobedience  of  orders  in  the 
cruise,  and  neglect  of  his  duty  in  the  engagement ;  that  a 
court-martial  being  at  this  time  inconvenient,  if  not  impractica 
ble,  I  would  give  him  an  earlier  opportunity  of  offering  what 
he  has  to  say  in  his  justification,  and  for  that  purpose  direct 
him  to  render  himself  immediately  here,  bringing  with  him 
such  papers  or  testimonies  as  he  may  think  useful  in  his  de 
fence.  I  know  not  whether  he  will  obey  my  orders,  nor  what 
the  ministry  would  do  with  him  if  he  comes ;  but  I  suspect 
that  they  may,  by  some  of  their  concise  operations,  save  the 
trouble  of  a  court-martial.  It  will,  however,  be  well  for  you 
to  furnish  me  with  what  you  may  judge  proper  to  support 
the  charges  against  him,  that  I  may  be  able  to  give  a  just 
and  clear  account  to  Congress.  In  the  mean  time  it  will  be 
necessary,  if  he  should  refuse  to  come,  that  you  should  put 
him  under  an  arrest,  and  in  that  case,  as  well  as  if  he  comes, 
that  you  should  either  appoint  some  person  to  the  command, 
or  take  it  upon  yourself;  for  I  know  of  no  person  to  recom 
mend  to  you  as  fit  for  that  station. 

**  I  am  uneasy  about  your  prisoners,  (50*4  in  number,) — I 
wish  they  were  safe  in  France.  You  will  then  have  com 
pleted  .  the  glorious  work  of  giving  liberty  to  all  the  Ameri 
cans  that  have  so  long  languished  for  it  in  the  British 
prisons." 

Jones  also  received  the  thanks  of  the  Due  de  la  Vauguyon, 
the  French  ambassador  at  the  Hague,  and  the  congratulations 
of  numerous  friends  and  admirers. 

And  now  commenced  those  scenes  of  diplomatic  altercation 
between  the  States  of  Holland  and  the  British  ambassador, 
Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  which  in  the  following  year  ended  in  the 
declaration  of  war.  The  Dutch  had  already  committed 


138  CONDUCT  OF  HOLLAND, 

many  virtual  infractions  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  with  Britain. 
It  was  from  Holland  that  France  openly  obtained  her  mari 
time  stores.  But  a  greater  eye-sore  was  the  American 
squadron  and  its  daring  commander,  with  the  captured 
frigates,  riding  in  triumph  in  the  Texel.  Jones  also  appeared 
openly  at  Amsterdam.  He  was  allowed  to  establish  an 
hospital  in  the  forts  of  the  Texel,  for  his  wounded  men  and 
his  wounded  prisoners;  though  in  this  object  of  common 
humanity  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  readily  concurred. 

The  squadron  came  into  the  Texel  on  the  3d  October,  and 
on  the  13th,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  presented  a  brief  and  energetic 
memorial,  peremptorily  demanding  that  the  captured  frigates 
should  be  stopped  in  the  Texe] — the  frigates  "  taken  by  one 
Paul  Jones,  a  subject  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  who,  ac 
cording  to  treaties  and  the  laws  of  war,  falls  under  the 
class  of  rebels  and  pirates." 

Jones,  though  he  must  have  been  prepared  for  the  demand, 
was,  it  may  be  presumed,  not  a  little  indignant  at  the  uncere 
monious  style  in  which  he  was  designated  by  the  English  am 
bassador, — "  that  little  thing,  Sir  Joseph,"  as  he  pettishly  terms 
him.  In  this  emergency  he  endeavoured  to  secure  the  friend 
ship  of  certain  powerful  individuals.  With  a  young,  brave, 
and,  above  all,  a  successful  commander,  there  is  ever  a  ready 
sympathy ;  and  even  at  this  time,  though  the  show  of  peace 
was  still  sedulously  kept  up,  the  cause  of  America  had  many 
warm  friends  among  the  Dutch,  especially  in  the  maritime 
towns. 

It  would  have  required  greater  magnanimity  than  most 
men  are  endowed  with,  had  Jones  forgiven  the  appellations 
bestowed  on  him,  especially  if  any  lurking  consciousness 
rankled  in  his  mind  that  his  character  and  position  were  equi 
vocal,  and  apt,  at  least  in  England,  to  be  misconstrued.  The 
distrust  evinced  by  Le  Ray  Chaumont,  and  the  consequent 
restraints  imposed  on  his  freedom  as  a  commander,  had 
already  been  sufficiently  galling;  and  this  was  a  fresh  corrosion 


CAPTAIN  PEARSON  REWARDED.  139 

of  the  same  sore.  In  a  statement  made  long  afterwards,  Jones 
mentions  that  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  having  failed  to  obtain  his 
person  from  the  Dutch  government,  endeavoured  to  have  him 
privately  kidnapped, — a  thing  in  itself  extremely  improbable, 
and  for  which  there  was,  in  all  likelihood,  no  other  foundation 
than  the  gossip  of  Amsterdam.  Sir  Joseph  never  even 
directly  asked  that  Jones  should  be  given  up,  while  he  loudly 
reiterated  his  demand  for  the  restitution  of  the  captured 
frigates. 

The  firmness  and  address  displayed  by  Sir  Joseph  Yorke 
on  this  occasion  did  credit  to  his  diplomatic  abilities.  He 
had  resided  long  at  the  Hague,  and  had  obtained  great  in 
fluence  with  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  what  may  be  called  the 
court-party.  His  services  on  this  occasion  were  afterwards 
rewarded  by  a  peerage.  Captain  Pearson  was  also  subse 
quently  distinguished  by  many  marks  of  the  confidence  and 
approbation  of  his  sovereign.  The  defeated  party  were  in 
deed  more  highly  rewarded  than  the  victor;  for  the  subse 
quent  honours  heaped  on  Jones  were  more  the  consequence 
of  dexterous  management  at  Versailles,  six  months  after  the 
affair  took  place,  than  the  natural  and  spontaneous  fruits  of 
his  brilliant  achievement.  Immediately  on  his  exchange, 
Captain  Pearson  received  the  honour  of  knighthood,  which, 
following  this  period  of  eclipse,  must  have  been  peculiarly 
gratifying  to  his  feelings;  and  the  Royal-Exchange  Assu 
rance  Company  presented  him  and  Captain  Piercy  of  the 
Countess  of  Scarborough  with  services  of  plate  "  for  their 
gallant  defence  of  the  Baltic  fleet." 

The  peremptory  demand  of  Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  threw  their 
High  Mightinesses  into  no  little  perplexity.  They  were  not 
yet  prepared  for  war  with  England,  nor  did  they  wish  to  risk 
offending  France,  and  alienating  the  affections  of  the  young 
transatlantic  republic,  which  might  long  remember  unkind- 
ness,  but  would  feel  doubly  grateful  for  succour  shown  in  the 
season  of  adversity,  and  the  struggle  for  existence.  The 


140  CONDUCT  OF  HOLLAND. 

States  of  Holland  in  those  awkward  circumstances  tempo 
rized  with  much  dexterity,  sheltering  themselves  under  those 
cautious  maxims  of  policy  which  had  hitherto  governed  the 
United  Provinces  in  questions  of  the  like  nature.  These 
maxims  dictated  that  they  should  decline  deciding  on  the 
validity  of  captures  in  the  open  seas  of  vessels  not  belonging 
to  their  own  subjects.  They  afforded  at  all  times  shelter  in 
their  harbours  to  all  ships  whatsoever,  if  driven  in  by  stress 
of  weather ;  but  compelled  armed  ships  with  their  prizes  to 
put  to  sea  again  as  soon  as  possible,  without  permitting  them 
to  dispose  of  their  cargoes ;  and  this  conduct  they  were  to 
follow  in  the  case  of  Jones. 

This  did  not,  however,  extricate  the  Dutch  government  from 
the  dilemma.  As  an  American  officer  they  durst  not  protect 
Jones,  which  would  have  been  in  effect  a  recognition  of  the 
rebellious  colonies ;  and  the  French  commision  under  which  it 
was  alleged  he  acted  could  never  be  forthcoming.  They 
therefore  were  compelled  to  order  him  to  put  to  sea  with  his 
squadron  forthwith,  though  they  "  declined  to  pass  judgment 
on  the  person  and  prizes  of  Paul  Jones."  They  also  publicly 
forbade  the  ships  to  be  furnished  with  naval  or  warlike  stores, 
save  such  as  were  absolutely  necessary  to  carry  them  to  the 
first  foreign  port,  "  that  all  suspicion  of  their  being  furnished 
here  may  drop." 

It  was  even  agreed,  though  the  measure  met  with  strong 
opposition,  that  the  American  squadron  should  be  expelled  by 
force  from  the  Texel.  This  much  was  obtained  by  the  firm 
ness  of  Sir  Joseph  Yorke. 

The  situation  of  Jones,  all  along  unpleasant,  was  now 
become  highly  critical.  The  Dutch  government,  whom  Sir 
Joseph  neither  suffered  to  slumber  nor  sleep,  incessantly  an 
noyed  the  French  ambassador,  who  in  his  turn  assailed  Jones. 
He  was  thus  placed  between  two  fires,  threatened  by  the  I 
Dutch  to  be  driven  from  the  Texel,  while  English  ships  were  • 


JONES'S  SITUATION.  141 

/placed  at  its  entrance  to  interrupt  his  exit,  and  while,  "  to  make 
^"assurance  double  sure,"  light  squadrons  were  cruising  about 
in  all  directions  to  prevent  his  gaining  any  French  or  Spanish 
port,  should  he  be  fortunate  enough  to  escape  the  vessels  on 
the  more  immediate  watch.  So  deep  and  galling  was  the 
wound  this  individual  had  inflicted  on  the  national  pride,  that 
the  capture  of  "  one  Paul  Jones"  would  at  this  time  have  been 
more  welcome  to  England  than  if  she  had  conquered  a  rich 
argosy. 

One  main  object  of  Jones  being  ordered  to  the  Texel  on  the 
termination  of  his  northern  cruise,  was,  as  has  been  noticed, 
to  convoy  a  French  fleet  with  naval  stores  to  Brest,  and  to 
get  out  the  Indian.  The  same  officious  commissary,  whose 
talkative  propensities  and  suspicious  disposition  had  so  fre 
quently  baffled  the  projects  of  Jones,  had  again  been  at  work ; 
and  although  the  Dutch  government  might  have  winked  at  the 
sailing  of  the  fleet  under  his  convoy,  the  measure  would  have 
been  rendered  abortive  by  premature  disclosure.  Jones  com 
plained  to  Franklin,  and  to  Sartine,  the  minister  of  the  French 
marine,  tp  whom  during  the  time  he  lay  in  the  Texel  he  had, 
as  usual,  been  transmitting  some  of  the  many  projects  for 
maritime  expeditions  of  which  his  scheming  brain  was  ever  so 
fertile.  He  also  in  this  interval  drew  up  a  refreshing  me 
morial  for  Congress,  containing  a  narrative  of  his  professional 
life  and  services. 

Before  receiving  any  answer  to  his  communication  to  Sar 
tine,  Jones  was  ordered  to  attend  the  French  ambassador  at 
the  Hague,  the  Due  de  la  Vauguyon.  He  went  privately  to 
the  Hague  to  avoid  unnecessary  offence,  and  at  a  long  con 
ference  it  was  agreed  that  he  should  forthwith  sail  for  Dun 
kirk  with  his  numerous  prisoners.  As  they  were  now 
situated  they  could  scarcely  be  considered  in  security,  and 
both  Franklin  and  Jones,  as  a  personal  kindness,  had  solicited 
and  obtained  the  consent  of  the  French  government  that 
these  prisoners  should  be  exchanged  for  the  Americans,  then 
prisoners  in  England. 


142  JONES'S  LETTER 

The  Serapis  had  been  dismasted  in  the  late  engagement, 
and  as  it  was  probable  that,  even  on  the  short  voyage  to 
Dunkirk,  Jones  might  encounter  his  watchful  foe  in  some 
force,  it  was  necessary  to  refit  his  ship.  For  this  purpose  he 
went  to  Amsterdam.  Thus  time  wore  on.  The  English 
ambassador  from  remonstrances  came  to  threats.  The 
Dutch,  driven  to  their  wit's  end,  remonstrated  and  menaced 
by  turns ;  and  Jones,  unable  to  be  longer  silent,  wrote  as  fol 
lows  to  the  French  ambassador : — 

"  On  board  the  Bon  Homme  Richard's  Prize  the  Ship  of  War  Serapis,  at  the 
Texel,  November  4th,  1779." 

*'  MY  LORD, 

"  This  morning  the  commandant  of  the  Road  sent  me 
word  to  come  and  speak  to  him  on  board  his  ship.  He  had 
before  him  on  the  table  a  letter  which  he  said  was  from  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  He  questioned  me  very  closely  whether 
I  had  a  French  commission,  and,  if  I  had,  he  almost  insisted 
upon  seeing  it.  In  conformity  to  your  advice  "  Get  avis 
donne*  au  commencement  n'etoit  plus  de  saison  depuisl'admis- 
sion  de  1'escadre  sous  Pavilion  Americain,"  I  told  him  that 
my  French  commission  not  having  been  found  among  my 
papers  since  the  loss  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  I  feared  it 
had  gone  to  the  bottom  in  that  ship ;  but  that,  if  it  was  really 
lost,  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  procure  a  duplicate  of  it 
from  France.  The  commandant  appeared  to  be  very  uneasy 
and  anxious  for  my  departure.  I  have  told  him  that  as  there 
are  eight  of  the  enemy's  ships  laying  wait  for  me  at  the  south 
entrance,  and  four  more  at  the  north  entrance  of  the  port,  I 
was  unable  to  fight  more  than  three  times  my  force,  but  that 
he  might  rest  assured  of  my  intention  to  depart  with  the 
utmost  expedition,  whenever  I  found  a  possibility  to  go  clear. 

"  I  should  be  very  happy,  my  Lord,  if  I  could  tell  you  of 
my  being  ready.  -I  should  have  departed  long  ago,  if  I  had 
met  with  common  assistance ;  but  for  a  fortnight  past  I  have 


TO  THE  AMBASSADOR.  143 

every  day  expected  the  necessary  supply  of  water  from 
Amsterdam  in  cisterns,  and  I  am  last  night  informed  that  it. 
cannot  be  had  without  I  send  up  water-casks.  The  provision, 
too,  that  was  ordered  the  day  I  returned  to  Amsterdam  from 
the  Hague,  is  not  yet  sent  down;  and  the  spars  that  have 
been  sent  from  Amsterdam  are  spoiled  in  the  making.  None 
of  the  iron-work  that  was  ordered  for  the  Serapis  is  yet  com 
pleted,  so  that  I  am,  even  to  this  hour,  in  want  of  hinges  to 
hang  the  lower  gun-ports.  My  officers  and  men  lost  their 
clothes  and  beds  in  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  and  they  have 
yet  got  no  supply*  The  bread  that  has  been  twice  a  week 
sent  down  from  Amsterdam  to  feed  my  people,  has  been, 
literally  speaking,  rotten,  and  the  consequence  is  that  they 
are  falling  sick. 

"  It  is  natural  also  that  they  should  be  discontented,  while  I 
am  not  able  to  tell  them  that  they  will  be  paid  the  value  of 
their  property  in  the  Serapis  and  Countess  of  Scarborough,  if 
either  or  both  of  them  should  be  lost  or  taken  after  sailing 
from  hence. 

"  Thus  you  see,  my  Lord,  that  my  prospects  are  far  from 
pleasing.  I  have  but  few  men,  and  they  are  discontented. 
If  you  can  authorize  me  to  promise  them,  at  all  hazards,  that 
their  property  in  the  prizes  shall  be  made  good,  and  that  they 
shall  receive  the  necessary  clothing  and  bedding,  &c.,  or 
money  to  buy  them,  I  believe  I  shall  soon  be  able  to  bring 
them  again  into  a  good  humour.  In  the  mean  time  I  will 
send  a  vessel  or  two  out  to  reconnoitre  the  offing  and  to 
bring  me  word.  Whatever  may  be  the  consequence  of  my 
having  put  into  this  harbour,  I  must  observe  that  it  was  done 
contrary  to  my  opinion,  and  I  consented  to  it  only  because 
the  majority  of  my  colleagues  were  earnest  for  it,"  &c.  &c. 

The  French  government,  to  rid  themselves  of  farther  im 
portunity,  now  fell  on  a  new  expedient.  The  cruise  was  sud 
denly  declared  at  an  end,  and  the  ships  were  dismissed; 
Franklin  agreed  to  place  the  captured  frigates  under  the  flag 


144  JONES  IN  THE  ALLIANCE. 

of  France,  and  that  Jones  should  be  removed  to  the  only  ship 
now  ostensibly  American,  the  Alliance,  which,  on  Landais 
having  been  ordered  to  Paris,  to  answer  to  the  plenipoten 
tiaries  for  his  misconduct  on  the  cruise,  had  been  left  without 
a  commander. 

Jones  received  this  intimation  with  disgust  and  chagrin ; 
but  such  were  the  orders  of  Sartine  and  Franklin,  such  the 
course  sound  policy  dictated ;  and  after  an  altercation,  last 
ing,  he  states,  for  thirteen  hours,  with  the  French  ambassador 
at  the  Hague,  he  most  reluctantly  left  the  Serapis,  whose  deck 
seemed  the  theatre  of  his  glory,  and  went  on  board  the  Alli 
ance.  The  squadron  soon  afterwards  sailed  under  a  Dutch 
convoy,  and  Jones  was  left  alone  in  his  new  ship.  His 
French  commission  had  never  yet  been  produced ;  the  Eng 
lish  ambassador  had  repeatedly  alleged  that  he  held  no  legal 
commission  from  any  sovereign ;  and  to  relieve  the  Dutch 
government  from  their  dilemma,  and,  probably  to  ensure  the 
personal  safety  of  Jones  in  case  of  the  worst,  a  regular  com 
mission  was  now  tendered  him  by  the  ministers  of  his  Most 
Christian  Majesty,  but  of  a  kind  so  degrading  that  there  is  no 
doubt  he  would,  far  rather  than  have  accepted  it,  have  chosen 
the  alternative  of  falling  into  the  power  of  the  English. 
Whatever  were  his  personal  difficulties,  he  wras  at  this  time 
in  "  the  blaze  of  his  fame,"  "  talked  of,"  says  Franklin,  "  at 
Paris  and  Versailles,"  celebrated  throughout  Europe  and 
America.  His  temper  and  blood  were  at  no  time  very  cool 
on  sudden  excitement,  and  the  excess  of  his  indignation 
may  be  imagined  when  he  received  the  insulting  offer  of  a 
Letter  of  Marque.  We  know  not  what  to  make  of  the  fre 
quent  boasts  of  Jones  in  after-periods  of  life,  of  never  ac 
cepting  any  commission  save  from  Congress.  The  con 
cordat  of  Le  Ray  Chaumont,  and  the  Letter  of  Marque  of 
Sartine,  and  the  Due  de  la  Vauguyon,  it  must  be  confessed, 
offered  but  slight  temptation.  Jones,  though  far  from  being 
naturally  inclined  either  to  conceal  or  depreciate  his  profes- 


LETTER  OF  MARQUE  OFFERED  AND  REFUSED.         145 

sional  talents  and  personal  services,  never  over-estimated 
himself  half  so  much  as  he  was  at  this  time  undervalued  by 
the  vacillating  and  capricious  government  with  which  he  had 
to  do.  If  the  true  ability  of  a  statesman  is  best  seen  in  his 
capacity  for  selecting  and  managing  the  instruments  of  his 
power,  Sartine  in  this  instance,  as  in  many  others,  sadly  be 
trayed  his  own  incapacity.  Under  the  first  galling  feelings 
of  this  insult,  Jones  wrote  the  following  spirited  letter  to  the 
French  ambassador.  It  is  one  of  the  best  productions  of  his 
pen,  precisely  because  it  is  the  spontaneous  dictate  of  the 
most  honourable  impulses  of  his  spirit : — 

"To  His  Excellency  the  Due  de  la  Van  guyon,  Ambassador  from  France,  at 
the  Hague. 

"  ALLIANCE,  Texcl,  December  13th,  1779. 
"  MY  LORD, 

"  Perhaps  there  are  many  men  in  the  world  who  would 
esteem  as  an  honour  the  commission  that  I  have  this  day  re 
fused.  My  rank  from  the  beginning  knew  no  superior  in  the 
marine  of  America,  how  then  must  I  be  humbled  were  I  to 
accept  a  letter-of-marque  ! — I  should,  my  Lord,  esteem  my 
self  inexcusable,  were  I  to  accept  even  a  commission  of  equal 
or  superior  denomination  to  that  I  bear,  unless  I  were  pre 
viously  authorized  by  Congress,  or  some  other  competent 
authority  in  Europe.  And  I  must  tell  you,  that,  on  my  ar 
rival  at  Brest  from  the  Irish  Channel,  Count  D'Orvilliers 
offered  to  procure  for  me  from  Court  a  commission  of  "  Cap 
tain  de  Vaisseaux,"  which  I  did  not  then  accept  for  the 
same  reason,  although  the  W7ar  between  France  and  England 
was  not  then  begun,  and  of  course  the  commission  of 
France  would  have  protected  me  from  an  enemy  of  superior 
force. 

"  It  is  a  matter  of  the  highest  astonishment  to  me,  that, 
after  so  many  compliments  and  fair  professions,  the  Court 
should  offer  the  present  insult  to  my  understanding,  and  sup 
pose  me  capable  of  disgracing  my  present  commission.  I 
13 


146  REMONSTRANCE. 

confess  that  I  never  merited  all  the  praise  bestowed  on  my 
past  conduct,  but  I  also  feel  that  I  have  far  less  merited  such  a 
reward.  Where  profession  and  practice  are  so  opposite,  I 
am  no  longer  weak  enough  to  form  a  wrong  conclusion. 
They  may  think  as  they  please  of  me ;  for  where  I  cannot 
continue  my  esteem,  praise  or  censure  from  any  man  is  to  me 
a  matter  of  indifference. 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  them,  however,  for  having  at  last 
fairly  opened  my  eyes,  and  enabled  me  to  discover  truth  from 
falsehood. 

"  The  prisoners  shall  be  delivered  agreeable  to  the  orders 
which  you  have  done  me  the  honour  to  send  me  from  his  Ex 
cellency  the  American  ambassador  in  France, 

"  I  will  also  with  great  pleasure,  not  only  permit  a  part  of 
my  seamen  to  go  on  board  the  ships  under  your  Excellency's 
orders,  but  I  will  also  do  my  utmost  to  prevail  with  them  to 
embark  freely ;  and  if  I  can  now  or  hereafter,  by  any  other 
honourable  means,  facilitate  the  success  or  the  honour  of  his 
Majesty's  arms,  I  pledge  myself  to  you  as  his  ambassador, 
that  none  of  his  own  subjects  would  bleed  in  his  cause  with 
greater  freedom  than  myself,  an  American. 

"  It  gives  me  the  more  pain,  my  Lord,  to  write  this  letter, 
because  the  Court  has  enjoined  you  to  prepare  what  would 
destroy  my  peace  of  mind,  and  my  future  veracity  in  the 
opinion  of  the  world 

"  When,  with  the  consent  of  Court,  and  by  order  of  the 
American  ambassador,  I  gave  American  commissions  to 
French  officers,  I  did  not  fill  up  those  commissions  to  com 
mand  privateers,  nor  even  for  a  rank  equal  to  that  of  their 
commissions  in  the  Marine  of  France.  They  were  promoted 
to  rank  far  superior, — and  why  ? — not  from  personal  friend 
ship,  nor  from  my  knowledge  of  their  services  and  abilities, 
(the  men  and  their  characters  being  entire  strangers  to  me,) 
but  from  the  respect  which  I  believed  America  would  wish  to 
show  for  the  service  of  France. 


LETTER  TO  FRANKLIN.  147 

"  While  I  remained  eight  months  seemingly  forgot  by  the 
Court  at  Brest,  many  commissions  such  as  that  in  question, 
were  offered  to  me ;  and  I  believe,  (when  I  am  in  pursuit  of 
plunder,)  I  can  still  obtain  such  an  one  without  application  to 
Court. 

"  I  hope,  my  Lord,  that  my  behaviour  through  life  will  ever 
entitle  me  to  the  continuance  of  your  good  wishes  and  opinion, 
and  that  you  will  take  occasion  to  make  mention  of  the  warm 
and  personal  affection  with  which  my  heart  is  impressed 
towards  his  Majesty. 

"I  am,"  &c.  &c. 

This  letter  Jones  enclosed  to  Franklin,  to  whom  he  gave 
his  passionate  feelings  fuller  breath  in  an  epistle  very  charac 
teristic  both  of  the  man  and  the  seaman.  "  I  hope,"  he  says, 
"  that  the  within  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  Due  de  la  Vau- 
guyon  will  meet  your  approbation ;  for  I  am  persuaded  that 
it  never  could  be  your  intention  or  wish  that  I  should  be  made 

the  tool  of  any  great  r whatever ;  or  that  the  commission 

of  America  should  be  overlaid  by  the  dirty  piece  of  parch 
ment  which  I  have  this  day  rejected !  They  have  played 
upon  my  good  humour  too  long  already,  but  the  spell  is  at  last 
dissolved.  They  would  play  me  off  with  assurance  of  the 
personal  and  particular  esteem  of  the  king,  to  induce  me  to 
do  what  would  render  me  contemptible  even  in  the  eyes  of 
my  own  servants !  Accustomed  to  speak  untruths  themselves, 
they  would  also  have  me  to  give  under  my  hand  that  I  am  a 
liar  and  a  scoundrel.  They  are  mistaken,  and  I  would  tell 
them  what  you  did  to  your  naughty  servant.  *  We  have  too 
contemptible  an  opinion  of  one  another's  understanding  to  live 

together.'    I  could  tell  them  £00,  that  if  M de  C *  had 

not  taken  such  safe  precautions  to  keep  me  honest  by  means 
of  his  famous  concordat,  and  to  support  me  by  so  many  able 
colleagues,  these  great  men  would  not  have  been  reduced  to 

*  DC  la  Ray  Chaurnont. 


148  M.  DUMAS. 

such  mean  shifts ;  for  the  prisoners  could  have  been  landed 
at  Dunkirk  the  day  that  I  entered  the  Texel,  and  I  could  have 
brought  in  double  the  numbers." 

The  whole  of  these  effusions  were  submitted  to  M.  Dumas, 
a  new  friend  Jones  had  acqiiired,  who  had  lately  been  ap 
pointed  agent  for  American  affairs  at  Amsterdam.* 

The  letter  of  Jones  to  the  ambassador  of  France  produced 
the  desired  effect.  A  soothing  epistle  was  despatched  to  the 
sturdy  and  indignant  Anglo-American,  "•  I  perceive  with 
pain,  my  dear  commodore,"  says  the  duke,  "  that  you  do  not 
view  your  situation  in  the  right  light ;  and  I  can  assure  you 
that  the  ministers  of  the  king  have  no  intention  to  cause  you 
the  least  disagreeable  feeling,  as  the  honourable  testimonials 
of  the  esteem  of  his  majesty  which  I  send  you  ought  to  con 
vince  you.  I  hope  you  will  not  doubt  the  sincere  desire 
with  which  you  have  inspired  me  to  procure  you  every  satis 
faction  you  may  merit,  It  cannot  fail  to  incite  you  to  give 
new  proofs  of  your  zeal  for  the  common  cause  of  France 
and  America.  I  flatter  myself  to  renew,  before  long,  the 
occasion,  and  procure  you  the  means  to  increase  still  more 
the  glory  you  have  already  acquired.  I  am  already  occu 
pied  with  all  the  interest  I  promised  you ;  and  if  my  views 
are  realized,  as  I  have  every  reason  to  believe,  you  will  be  at 
all  events  perfectly  content;  but  I  must  pray  you  not  to 
hinder  my  project  by  delivering  yourself  to  the  expression  of 

*This  gentleman  is  a  most  amusing  specimen  of  the  diplomatist  in  the 
small  way,  busy  and  bustling  about  nothing,  shrouding  every  trifle  in  mystery  ; 
— one  who  writes  about  "  the  great  man,"  and  hints  obscurely  at  "  the  certain 
friend  in  high  station,"  and  intimates  dark  meanings  through  which  every 
body  could  see,  in  any  way  save  simply  and  directly.  America  was  at  this 
early  stage  of  her  history  singularly  prolific  of  these  mysterious  personages. 
Bancroft,  Mr.  W.  Temple  Franklin,  who* was,  however,  still  a  lad,  and  even 
Commodore  Jones,  disported  themselves  in  this  sort  of  innocent  diplomacy, 
employing  a  cipher,  or  numbers,  in  their  correspondence  about  their  own 
personal  affairs,  as  if  the  eyes  of  all  the  world  had  been  watchful  of  their  mo 
tions.  Franklin  alone  kept  clear  of  this  folly.  His  letters  contain  no  blanks, 
no  ominous  stars,  no  mystification  of  important  nothings. 


JONES'S  ANSWER.  149 

those  strong  sensations  to  which  you  appear  to  give  way, 
and  for  which  there  is  really  no  foundation.  You  appear  to 
possess  full  confidence  in  the  justice  and  kindness  of  the  king  ; 
rely  also  upon  the  same  sentiments  on  the  part  of  his  ministers." 

The  "  dear  commodore"  of  the  duke  was  somewhat  molli 
fied  by  this  apology,  but  far  from  being  satisfied;  nor  did  he 
slip  so  inviting  an  opportunity  of  proclaiming  his  grievances. 
"  Were  I  to  form,"  he  says, "  my  opinion  of  the  ministry  from 
the  treatment  I  experienced  while  at  Brest,  or  from  their 
want  of  confidence  in  me  afterwards,  exclusive  of  what  has 
taken  place  since  I  had  the  misfortune  to  enter  this  port,  I 
will  appeal  to  your  Excellency,  as  a  man  of  candour  and 
ingenuity,  whether  I  ought  to  desire  to  prolong  a  connexion 
that  has  made  me  so  unhappy,  and  wherein  I  have  given  so 
very  little  satisfaction.  M.  le  Chevalier  de  Lironcourt  has 
lately  made  me  reproaches  on  account  of  the  expense  that, 
he  says,  France  has  been  at  to  give  me  a  reputation,  in  pre 
ference  to  twenty  captains  of  the  royal  navy,  better  qualified 
than  myself,  and  who,  each  of  them,  solicited  for  the  com 
mand  that  was  lately  given  to  me ! 

"  This,  I  confess,  is  quite  new,  and  indeed  surprising  to  me  ; 
and,  had  I  known  it  before  I  left  France,  I  certainly  should 
have  resigned  in  favour  of  the  twenty  men  of  superior  merit. 
I  do  not,  however,  think  that  his  first  assertion  is  true ;  for 
the  ministers  must  be  unworthy  of  their  places  were  they 
capable  of  squandering  the  public  money  only  to  give  an 
individual  reputation ;  and  as  to  the  second,  I  fancy  the  Court 
will  not  thank  him  for  having  given  me  that  information, 
whether  true  or  false.  I  may  add  here,  that  with  a  force  so 
ill  composed,  and  with  powers  so  limited,  I  ran  ten  chances 
of  ruin  and  dishonour  for  one  of  gaining  reputation  ;  and  had 
not  the  plea  of  humanity  in  favour  of  the  unfortunate  Ameri 
cans  in  English  dungeons  superseded  all  considerations  of 
self,  I  faithfully  assure  you,  my  lord,  that  I  would  not  have 
proceeded  under  such  circumstances  from  Groix.  I  do  not 
13* 


150  SAILS  FROM  THE  TEXEL. 

imbibe  hasty  prejudices  against  any  individuals;  but  when 
many  and  repeated  circumstances,  conspiring  in  one  point, 
have  inspired  me  with  disesteem  towards  any  person,  I  must 
see  convincing  proof  of  reformation  in  such  person  before 
my  heart  can  beat  again  with  affection  in  his  favour ;  for  the 
mind  is  free,  and  can  be  bound  only  by  kind  treatment." 

The  insult,  as  he  justly  conceived  it,  which  Jones  had 
received  from  France,  did  not  increase  his  inclination  to 
hoist  the  flag  of  that  nation  on  board  of  the  Alliance ;  nor 
had  he  longer  any  secret  motive  to  refuse,  or  at  least  to  delay 
obedience  to  the  reiterated  and  peremptory  mandate  of  the 
Dutch  government,  ordering  him  to  leave  the  Texel.  Ame 
rica  was  now  his  sole  hope — to,  reach  its  coasts  his  only  aim. 
"  I  am  not  sorry,"  he  writes  to  his  friend  Morris,  "  that  my 
connexion  with  them  (the  French  government)  is  at  an  end. 
In  the  course  of  that  connexion  I  ran  ten  chances  of  ruin  and 
dishonour  for  one  of  reputation  ;  and  all  the  honour  or  profit 
that  France  could  bestow  should  not  tempt  me  again  to 
undertake  the  same  service,  with  an  armament  equally  ill 
composed  and  with  powers  equally  limited.  It  affords  me  the 
most  exalted  pleasure  to  reflect,  that  when  I  return  to  Ame 
rica  I  can  say  I  have  served  in  Europe  at  my  own  expense, 
and  without  the  fee  or  reward  of  a  court.  When  the  priso 
ners  we  have  taken  are  safely  lodged  in  France,  I  shall  have 
no  further  business  in  Europe,  as  the  liberty  of  all  our  fellow- 
citizens  who  now  suffer  in  English  prisons  will  then  be  se 
cured." 

He  was  now  detained  only  by  contrary  winds,  and  eagerly 
waited  for  a  fair  opportunity  of  eluding  the  vigilance  of  those 
on  the  watch  to  intercept  him.  After  three  months  spent  in 
continual  altercation,  imbittered  by  the  animosity  of  Landais, 
ihe  babbling  and  suspicions  of  Le  Ray  Chaumont,  the  con 
duct  of  the  French  ministers,  and  the  discontents  of  his  offi 
cers  and  men  respecting  the  prize-money,  Jones  sailed  from 
the  Texel  on  the  27th  December,  1779. 


EXCHANGE  OF  PRISONERS, 


151 


Robert  Morris. 


The  only  consolation  Jones  received  at  this  period  was 
effecting  the  exchange  of  the  American  prisoners  in  England. 
This  was,  he  said,  "  all  the  reward  he  wished."  He  had  also 
wrung  some  promises  from  the  ambassador  in  behalf  of  his 
discontented  officers  and  crew,  who,  as  the  prizes  had  not 
been  valued  in  Holland,  and  were  liable  to  be  retaken  in  get 
ting  into  a  French  port,  had  no  assurance  that  they  would 
ever  obtain  any  reward  for  their  courage  and  their  toil.  The 
prizes  sent  into  Bergen,  in  Norway,  by  Laridais,  had  been 
claimed  by  the  English  consul,  and  given  up  by  the  Danish 


152  ESCAPES  THE  BRITISH  FLEET. 

government,  who  were  very  unlikely  to  grant  the  Americans 
any  indemnity.  Even  more  severely  than  these  incidental 
hardships,  Jones  felt  the  grumbling  of  the  French  agents  at 
the  expense  he  necessarily  incurred  in  refitting  his  ships.  "  It 
had  cost  France  too  much  to  give  him  fame,"  was  the  taunt 
ing  observation  bitterly  felt  and  not  easily  forgotten. 

It  must,  under  all  the  circumstances,  have  been  with  con 
siderable  anxiety  that  Jones  sailed  from  the  Texel,  with  the 
alternative  of  rashly  braving  or  fortunately  eluding  the  Eng 
lish  :  he  was  not  in  condition  to  meet  them  even  in  equal 
force.  The  Alliance,  by  the  gross  misconduct  of  Landais, 
who  wTas  as  bad  a  seaman  as  he  was  an  officer,  \vas  in  the 
worst  condition.  The  officers  were,  as  Jones  states,  "  idle  and 
drunken ;  the  men  filthy  and  in  bad  subordination,  and  many 
of  them  sick  of  an  epidemic  illness  ;"  the  vessel  was,  besides, 
badly  armed,  and  the  powder  of  bad  quality.  The  last  evil 
Jones  remedied ;  and,  putting  a  bold  face  on  the  matter, 
whatever  might  be  his  secret  feelings,  he  thus  exultingly  wrote 
Dumas,  on  leaving  the  Texel : — "  Alliance  at  sea,  27th  Decem 
ber: — I  am  here,  my  dear  sir,  with  a  good  wind  at  east,  un 
der  my  best  American  colours.  So  far  you  have  your  wish. 
What  may  be  the  event  of  this  critical  moment  I  know  not ; 
I  am  not,  however,  without  good  hopes."  » 

The  memorial,  drawn  up  by  Jones  himself  for  the  King  of 
France,  contains  the  best  account  that  is  extant  of  his  escape, 
and  of  the  progress  of  this  ticklish  voyage.  "  He  passed," 
he  states,  "  along  the  Flemish  banks,  and,  getting  the  wind 
ward  of  the  enemy's  fleet  of  observation  in  the  North  Sea, 
he  the  next  day  passed  through  the  Straits  of  Dover,  in  full 
view  of  the  enemy's  fleet  in  the  Downs.  The  day  following 
Captain  Jones  ran  the  Alliance  past  the  Isle  of  Wight,  in 
view  of  the  enemy's  fleet  at  Spithead,  and  in  two  days  more 
got  safe  through  the  Channel,  having  passed  by  windward  in 
sight  of  the  enemy's  large  two-decked  cruising  ships.  Cap 
tain  Jones  wished  to  carry  with  him  some  prizes  and  prisoners 


ARRIVAL  AT  L'ORIENT. 


Escape  pf  tftp  Alliance. 

to  France:  but  the  Alliance,  by  the  arrangement  Captain 
Landais  had  made  of  the  ballast  at  L'Orient,  was  out  of  trim, 
and  could  not  sail  fast,  her  sails  being  too  thin  and  old  for 
cold  latitudes.  He  steered  to  the  southward,  and  cruised  for 
some  days  without  success  off  Cape  Finisterre.  On  the  16th 
of  January,  1780,  Captain  Jones,  to  shun  a  gale  of  wind,  and 
procure  a  sound  anchor,  (for  he  had  left  the  Texel  with  only 
one,)  ran  into  Corogne.  He  was  very  kindly  received  in 
Spain,  but  sailed  again,  and  arrived  at^Groix  on  the  10th 
February,  having  taken  no  prizes." 

On  gaining  L'Orient,  Jones  lost  no  time  in  beginning  to  re 
fit  his  ships  and  obtain  military  stores.  A  board  of  Admiralty 
had  by  this  time  been  established  by  Congress,  and  one  of  its 
first  acts  was  to  order  home  the  Alliance.  In  making  the 
ships  under  his  command  fit  for  sea,  whether  "  in  battle  or  in 
breeze,"  Jones  never  grudged  or  even  thought  of  expense, 
and  on  the  present  occasion  his  professional  liberality  of 
spirit  far  outran  the  frugal  genius  of  Franklin.  The  anxious 


154  THE  ALLIANCE  REFITTED, 

and  almost  pathetic  remonstrances  addressed  to  him  by  the 
republican  sage  are  as  amusing  as  they  are  characteristic. 
The  court  of  France  had  demurred  to  incurring  farther  ex 
pense  for  this  refractory  hero  and  his  American  ship.  "  The 
whole  expense  will  fall  upon  me,"  cries  Franklin,  "  and  I  am 
ill  provided  to  bear  it,  having  so  many  unexpected  calls  upon 
me  from  all  quarters.  I  therefore  beg  you  would  have  mercy 
on  me,  put  me  to  as  little  charge  as  possible,  and  take  nothing 
you  can  possibly  do  without.  As  to  sheathing  with  copper  it 
is  totally  out  of  the  question." 

By  the  middle  of  April,  the  Alliance  (notwithstanding  the 
prayers  of  Franklin)  was,  by  the  care  of  her  commander, 
pronounced  by  himself  one  of  the  most  complete  frigates  in 
France. 

Nearly  a  month  before,  the  Alliance  having  been,  as  was 
said,  ordered  home  to  America  with  certain  supplies  of  arms 
and  warlike  stores  furnished  by  France,  Franklin  urged  the 
immediate  sailing  of  the  ship  as  strongly  as  he  could  with 
propriety,  and  wished  its  commander  a  prosperous  voyage. 
He  even  stretched  a  point  to  furnish  those  of  the  former  crew 
of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  now  on  board  the  Alliance, 
with  a  small  sum  of  money,  as  they  had  not  yet  realized  a  sou 
of  their  prize-money.  This  was  done  to  allay  discontent  and 
send  the  men  home  in  good  humour.  But  neither  the  com 
modore  nor  his  crew  wero  yet  in  trim  for  sea. 

Jones  had  made  repeated  attempts  to  obtain  an  adjustment 
of  the  prize-money,  and  now  meditated  a  journey  to  court 
ostensibly  to  solicit  a  final  settlement.  A  person  in  office 
had  about  this  time  excited  his  indignation  by  meanly 
claiming  the  merit  of  some  or  all  of  his  manifold  projects ; 
and  it  is  probable  that  various  other  motives  and  per 
sonal  interests  disposed  him  to  undertake  this  memorable 
journey.  Having  on  a  former  occasion  verified  the  truth  of 
the  maxim,  which  led  him  to  give  the  celebrated  name  of 


JOWES  GOES  TO  VERSAILLES.  155 

Bon  Homme  Richard  to  his  ship,  he  determined  once  more  to 
speed  his  errand  by  doing  it  himself.  He  was  aware  that, 
though  disliked  or  envied  by  the  marine  service  of  France, 
he  was  popular  with  the  Court  and  the  Nation,  who  were 
about  this  time  in  the  very  height  and  fervour  of  the  Ameri 
can  mania.  On  this  knowledge  he  proceeded  to  Versailles. 


156 


JONES  AT  COURT. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ONES  at  no  time  neglected  to 
keep  himself  alive  in  the  me 
mory  of  his  Court  friends  and 
official  patrons, — a  species  of 
attention  necessary  to  a  pro 
fessional  man  everywhere,  at 
least  in  the  commencement  of 
his  career,  and  particularly 
so  at  that  period  in  France. 
While  superintending  the  refitting  of  the  Alliance,  he  had 
been  corresponding  with  La  Fayette,  the  Duke  de  la  Roche- 
foucault,  and  others  of  his  former  great  friends,  and  by  them 
he  might  have  been  advised  to  repair  to  Versailles  to  claim 
justice  for  his  people  in  the  affair  of  the  prize-money.  If 
such  was  his  only  business,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
much  advanced  by  his  appearance  at  this  crisis ;  but  the  re 
ception  he  personally  met  from  many  individuals  among  the 
higher  classes  of  society  and  the  leaders  of  fashion,  when 
Americans  and  republicanism  were  the  infatuating  novelties 
of  the  day,  must  have  been  highly  gratifying  to  his  feelings 
and  to  his  insatiable  love  of  distinction.  The  American  com 
modore,  the  conqueror  of  the  haughty  English,  insulted  by  the 
degrading  offer  of  a  Ietter-of-marqu6  at  Amsterdam,  became 
the  hero,  and,  what  was  nearly  the  same  thing,  the  lion  of 
the  day  in  Paris.  He  was  everywhere  feasted  and  caressed ; 
and,  as  if  to  make  ample  amends  for  the  gratuitous  insult 
offered  him  by  the  ministers,  he  was  presented  by  the  king 
with  a  gold  sword,  bearing  the  following  honourable  inscrip- 


ORDER  OF  MERIT.  157 

tion : — "  VINDICATI  MARIS  LUDOVICUS  xvi.  REMUNERATOR  STRENUO 
viNDici."  Leave  was  requested  from  Congress  to  invest  him 
with  the  military  Order  of  Merit, — an  honour  which  had 
never  been  conferred  on  any  one  before  who  had  not  actually 
borne  arms  under  the  commission  of  France.  An  official 
letter  was  also  addressed  to  him  by  his  ancient  tormentor,  M. 
Sartine,  expressive  of  the  highest  approbation  of  his  conduct, 
and  esteem  for  his  personal  character.  This  much  was  to  be 
gained  by  a  man  of  talent  and  address  appearing  in  his  own 
cause  at  the  Court  of  France  ;  nor  is  there  any  lack  of  charity 
in  supposing  that,  had  Jones  remained  quiet  at  L'Orient,  the 
victor  of  the  Serapis,  and  the  generous  and  patriotic  liberator 
of  the  American  prisoners,  would  not  have  sunk  beneath  the 
load  of  court  honours.  The  secret  history  of  the  manner  in 
which  services  of  plate,  knighthoods,  and  letters  of  thanks,  are 
sometimes  obtained,  would  form  a  curious  and  not  unedifying 
chapter  in  the  story  of  many  a  professional  man's  life.  In  the 
present  instance  they  were  amply  merited.  They  were  as 
proudly  received ;  and  did  equal  honour  to  the  royal  donor 
and  the  individual  distinguished  by  his  favour.  Jones  was 
exactly  of  the  sanguine,  ambitious,  and  loyal  cast  of  charac 
ter,  which  leads  men  to  prize  at  their  full  value  those  coveted 
marks  of  princely  approbation.  The  gold  sword  and  the  ac 
companying  Order  were  the  pride  and  the  boast  of  his  future 
life. 

Testimonies  of  kindness  and  esteem,  of  a  kind  even  more 
gratifying  to  his  private  feelings,  were  not  wanting.  Of  this 
brilliant  period  he  long  afterwards  says,  in  speaking  of  himself, 
"  he  received  at  Paris,  and  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  the 
most  flattering  applause  and  public  approbation  wherever  he 
appeared.  Both  the  great  and  the  learned  sought  his  ac 
quaintance  in  private  life,  and  honoured  him  with  particular 
marks  of  friendship.  At  court  he  was  always  received  with 
a  kindness  which  could  only  have  arisen  from  a  fixed  esteem." 

While  the  French  court  were  thus  in  the  vein  of  caressing 
14 


158  LEE'S  INTRIGUE. 

and  bestowing,  Jones  solicited  and  obtained  the  Ariel  frigate 
to  accompany  the  Alliance  to  America,  with  stores  for  Wash 
ington's  army.  Nor  in  all  probability  was  he  averse  to  an 
increase  of  force,  should  fortune  throw  any  English  ships  in 
his  way  on  the  homeward  voyage.  The  Ariel  he  intended 
to  man  from  the  supernumeraries  of  the  Alliance  and  the  lately 
exchanged  American  prisoners.  The  affair  of  the  prize-money 
was  put  in  train,  as  far  as  fair  promises  and  preliminary 
orders  may  go,  and  in  high  spirits  Jones  took  leave  of  the 
French  Court  and  capital,  and  returned  to  L'Orient,  ready, 
as  he  conceived,  to  quit  France,  and  furnished,  by  dint  of  his 
indefatigable  genius,  with  an  official  letter  from  the  Minister 
of  Marine  to  Congress,  enumerating  his  services  in  Europe, 
and  recommending  him  to  favour,  and  consequently  to  ad 
vancement. 

While  Jones  was  absent  in  Paris,  his  ship  had  been  the 
scene  of  a  mutinous  intrigue,  of  which  the  wretched  Landais, 
though  apparently  the  promoter,  was  in  reality  at  first  only 
the  tool. 

This  intrigue  originated  with  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  who  had  held 
a  subordinate  diplomatic  appointment  in  France,  and  was  now 
about  to  return  to  America.  The  real  cause  of  this  person's 
conduct  at  this  time  appears  to  have  been  dislike  of  Franklin, 
and  a  mean  jealousy  of  the  consideration  in  which  this  truly 
great  man  was  held,  both  by  friend  and  foe,  in  Europe  as  well 
as  in  America,  while  the  vast  merits  of  the  patriotic  Mr.  Lee 
were  overlooked.  When  the  affair  of  Landais  had  been  ori 
ginally  discussed,  Lee,  in  the  spirit  of  factious  opposition,  had 
gone  openly  against  the  opinion  of  Franklin  and  the  other 
plenipotentiaries,  and  taken  part  with  the  mutinous,  and,  as  it 
afterwards  turned  out,  mad  Frenchman,  on  what  he  was 
pleased  to  call  constitutional  grounds.  Landais  had  originally 
received  the  command  of  the  Alliance  from  Congress.  When 
ordered  to  head-quarters  to  account  for  his  conduct,  he  volun 
tarily  left  his  ship,  and  soon  afterwards  Jones  was  officially 


LANDAIS'S  CONDUCT.  159 

ordered  to  quit  the  Serapis,  and  assume  command  of  the 
Alliance,  which,  as  has  been  seen,  he  did  much  against  his 
inclination.  Meanwhile  Landais  was  ordered  to  return  to 
America,  that  cognizance  might  be  taken  of  his  conduct  before 
the  proper  tribunal.  In  this  order  he  appeared  to  acquiesce ; 
and  he  was  furnished  with  money  by  Franklin  to  bear  his 
charges.  On  his  arrival  at  L'Orient,  it  seems  to  have  been 
adroitly  insinuated  into  his  naturally  ricketty  brains,  that 
Franklin  and  the  other  plenipotentiaries  had  exceeded  their 
powers  in  superseding  him  and  ordering  him  to  America ;  an  1 
that  Congress  having  bestowed  his  commission,  to  Congress 
alone  was  he  bound  to  surrender  it.  The  same  doctrine  was 
diligently  promulgated  among  the  seamen  of  the  Alliance, 
and  readily  received  by  many  of  the  officers.  The  delay  of 
the  prize-money,  and  the  non-payment  of  the  seamen's  arrears, 
gave  a  strong  handle  to  the  discontented  and  designing.  It 
was  artfully  represented  to  the  disaffected  crew,  that  while 
Jones,  their  new  commander,  basked  in  the  sunshine  of  Court 
favour  at  Versailles,  he  either  neglected  or  compromised  their 
rights  and  interests,  and  hesitated  to  demand  justice  for  his 
men  from  those  who  heaped  favours  on  himself,  and  loaded 
him  alone  with  benefits  and  honours,  while  those  who  had 
shared  his  toils  and  achieved  the  glory  he  claimed  were  ne 
glected  and  forgotton.  There  was  some  colour  for  complaint. 
Jones  felt  his  error,  and,  in  writing  to  a  friend  about  the  dis 
content  of  his  crew,  says,  "  I  have  been  to  blame  for  having 
returned  from  Paris  without  having  absolutely  insisted  on  the 
previous  payment  of  my  men."  These  men  he  had  found  on 
his  return  sullen,  alienated,  and  almost  in  open  mutiny. 

Landais  had  now  determined,  to  assume  by  force  the  com 
mand  of  the  Alliance,  unjustly,  as  he  said,  wrested  from  him  ; 
and  the  officers  and  men  prepared  a  memorial,  addressed  to 
the  plenipotentiaries,  setting  forth  their  grievances  and  their 
wishes.  Landais,  to  do  the  business  with  becoming  modesty 


160  FRANKLIN'S  MODERATION. 

and  propriety,  expressed  a  desire  to  be  formally  reinstated* 
in  his  command. 

Franklin,  whose  feelings,  whether  as  a  public  or  private 
man,  must  have  been  grossly  outraged  by  this  proceeding, 
stifled  his  indignation,  and,  by  every  argument  likely  to  con 
vince  their  reason,  or  influence  their  passions,  endeavoured  to 
recall  these  misled  men  to  a  sense  of  their  duty. 

No  minister  ever  took  half  the  pains  to  conciliate  a  set  of 
wrongheaded  malcontents,  whom  the  power  of  France  could 
have  enabled  him  to  crush  at  once.  Some  of  the  arguments 
he  addressed  to  their  professional  feelings  and  pride  are  ex 
ceedingly  subtle.  The  officers  and  crew  of  the  Alliance 
were  naturally  indignant  at  the  charge  of  having  fired  into 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  during  the  engagement  with  the 
Serapis.  In  relation  to  this  affair,  Franklin  states, "  though  I 
declined  any  judgment  of  his  (Landais's)  manoeuvres  in  the 

*  Franklin's  letter  in  reply  to  the  modest  demand  of  this  Frenchman  is  as 
indicative  of  his  strong  good  sense  and  clear-sighted  integrity  as  anything 
that  ever  issued  from  his  pen.  Of  this  sagacious  person  one  might  almost 
think  it  was  because  "  honesty  was  the  best  policy"  that  he  loved  it.  He  ad 
mired  truth  for  its  utility  more  than  its  native  beauty ;  and  employed  it  ac 
cordingly  with  singular  success  in  his  dealings  with  men,  where  others  more 
short-sighted,  if  not  less  sincere,  would  have  used  subterfuge,  and  trick  only 
to  counteract  their  own  purposes.  It  is  thus  he  wrote  Landais  :-"No  one  ever 
learned  the  opinion  I  formed  of  you  from  inquiry  made  into  your  conduct. 
I  kept  it  entirely  to  myself.  I  have  not  even  hinted  it  in  my  letters  to  America, 
because  I  would  not  hazard  giving  to  any  one  a  bias  to  your  prejudice.  By 
communicating  a  part  of  tliat  opinion  privately  to  you  I  can  do  no  harm,  for 
you  may  burn  it.  I  should  not  give  you  the  pain  of  reading  it,  if  your 
demand  did  not  make  it  necessary.  I  think  you  then  so  imprudent,  so 
litigious,  and  quarrelsome  a  man,  even  with  your  best  friends,  that  peace  and 
good  order,  and  consequently  the  quiet  and  regular  subordination  so  necessary 
to  success,  are,  where  you  preside,  impossible.  These  are  within  my  obser 
vation  and  apprehension.  Your  military  operations  I  leave  to  more  capa 
ble  judges.  If,  therefore,  I  had  twenty  ships  of  war  in  my  disposition,  I 
should  not  give  one  of  them  to  Captain  Landais.  The  same  temper  which 
excluded  him  from  the  French  marine  would  weigh  equally  with  me ;  of 
course  I  shall  not  replace  him  in  the  Alliance." 


FRANKLIN'S  LETTER.  161 

fight,  I  have  given  it  as  my  opinion,  (to  Congress,)  after  ex 
amining  the  affair,  that  it  was  not  at  all  likely,  either  that  he 
should  have  given  orders  to  fire  into  the  Bon  Homme  Richard, 
or  that  his  officers  would  have  obeyed  such  an  order  had  it 
been  given  them.  Thus  I  have  taken  what  care  I  could  of 
your  honour  in  that  particular.  You  will  therefore  excuse 
me  if  I  am  a  little  concerned  for  it  in  another.  If  it  should 
come  to  be  publicly  known  that  you  had  the  strongest  aver 
sion  to  Captain  Landais,  who  had  used  you  basely,  and  that  it 
is  only  since  the  last  year's  cruise,  and  the  appointment  of 
Commodore  Jones  to  the  command,  that  you  request  to  be 
again  under  your  old  captain,  I  fear  suspicions  and  reflections 
may  be  thrown  upon  you  by  the  world,  as  if  this  change  of 
sentiment  may  have  arisen  from  your  observation  during 
the  cruise,  that  Captain  Jones  loved  close  fighting,  that  Cap 
tain  Landais  was  skilful  in  keeping  out  of  harm's  way,  and 
that  you  therefore  thought  yourself  safer  with  the  latter. 
For  myself,  I  believe  you  to  be  brave  men,  and  1  >vers  of 
your  country  and  its  glorious  cause;  and  I  am  persuaded 
you  have  only  been  ill-advised,  and  misled  by  the  artful  and 
malicious  misrepresentations  of  some  persons,  I  guess  at. 
Take  in  good  part  ihis  friendly  counsel  from  an  old  man  who 
is  your  friend.  Go  home  peaceably  with  your  ship.  Do 
your  duty  faithfully  and  cheerfully.  Behave  respectfully  to 
your  commander,  and  I  am  persuaded  he  will  do  the  same  to 
you.  Thus  you  will  not  only  be  happier  in  your  voyage,  but 
recommend  yourselves  to  the  future  favours  of  Congress  and 
of  your  country." 

Such  was  the  conciliatory  tone  in  which  Franklin  ad 
dressed  these  turbulent  and  discontented  men.  It  were  to  be 
wished  that  his  good  temper  and  calmness  of  reason  had 
produced  the  effect  that  might  have  been  expected.  The 
failure  proves  that  something  besides  reason  is  at  times  neces 
sary  in  governing  seamen. 

In  a  letter  to  Jones  he  explains  the  affair,  and  relates  the 
14* 


162  MUTINY. 

measures  he  had  taken  in  consequence.  "  Saturday  morn 
ing,"  he  says,  "  I  received  a  letter  signed  by  about  115  of  the 
sailors  of  the  Alliance,  declaring  that  they  would  not  raise 
the  anchor,  nor  depart  from  L'Orient,  till  they  had  six  months' 
wages  paid  them,  and  the  utmost  farthing  of  their  prize- 
money,  including  the  ships  sent  into  Norway,  and  until  their 
legal  captain,  P.  Landais,  was  restored  to  them.  This  mutiny 
has  undoubtedly  been  excited  by  that  captain ;  probably  by 
making  them  believe  that  satisfaction  has  .been  received  for 
those  Norway  prizes  delivered  up  to  the  English,"  &c.,  &c. 
"  That  he  is  concerned  in  this  mutiny  he  has  been  foolish 
enough  to  furnish  us  with  proofs,  the  sailors'  letter  being  not 
only  enclosed  under  a  cover  directed  to  me  in  his  hand-wri 
ting,  but  he  also,  in  the  same  writing,  interlined  the  words, 
their  legal  captain,  P.  Landais,  which  happens  to  contain  his 
signature.  I  immediately  went  to  Versailles,  to  demand  the 
assistance  of  government,  and  on  showing  the  letter,  by  which 
his  guilt  plainly  appeared,  an  order  was  immediately  granted, 
sent  away  the  same  evening,  for  apprehending  and  imprison 
ing  him,  and  orders  were  (promised  to  be)  given  at  the  same 
time  to  the  commissary  of  the  port  to  afford  you  all  kind  of 
assistance  to  facilitate  your  departure."  The  promises  thus 
given  were  very  ill  kept.  The  mutiny  had  now  reached  the 
crisis.  On  the  morning  of  the  13th  June,  before  going  on 
shore  to  superintend  the  equipment  of  the  Ariel,  Jones  caused 
his  appointment  to  the  Alliance  to  be  read  on  the  deck  of 
that  ship,  and,  addressing  the  assembled  crew,  demanded  that 
whoever  had  any  complaint  to  prefer  against  him  should  now 
speak  out.  "  There  was,"  he  says,  "  every  appearance  of 
contentment  and  subordination  ;"  and  again,  "  I  arn  certain 
the  people  love  me  and  would  readily  obey  me."  The  proofs 
of  this  affection  were  of  a  very  unusual  kind.  No  sooner 
had  Jones  quitted  the  ship,  than  Landais  came  on  board  and 
usurped  the  command. 

As   soon   as   intelligence   of  this  wild   measure   reached 


JONES'S  PERPLEXITIES.  163 

Franklin,  Landais  was  ordered  to  quit  the  ship,  and  the  offi 
cers  were  commanded  to  obey  Jones  alone.  To  Jones,  who 
was  in  the  greatest  perplexity,  he  wrote,  "You  are  likely  to 
have  great  trouble.  I  wish  you  well  through  it.  You  have 
shown  your  abilities  in  fighting, — you  have  now  an  opportu 
nity  of  showing  the  other  necessary  part,  in  the  character  of 
a  great  chief, — your  abilities  in  policy." 

Landais,  backed  and  instigated  by  Lee,  and  supported  by 
the  officers  and  seamen,  refused  to  yield  one  jot ;  and,  hold 
ing  the  mandate  of  Franklin  and  the  arrest  of  the  King  alike 
in  defiance,  he  resolved  to  sail  for  America,  captain  of  the 
Alliance.  In  this  singular  juncture,  Jones  posted  back  to 
Versailles,  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  government.  Orders, 
he  was  told,  had  been  previously  sent  to  L'Orient  to  compel 
Landais  and  his  crew  to  obedience,  or,  if  he  attempted  to  quit 
the  port,  to  fire  on  him,  and,  if  necessary,  sink  the  ship. 
Confiding  in  this  statement,  Jones  immediately  returned  to 
L'Orient,  and  found  that  the  orders  which  were  said  to  have 
preceded  him,  if  they  had  ever  been  despatched,  had  at  least 
never  arrived, — a  circumstance  somewhat  singular,  though, 
in  French  diplomacy,  by  no  means  unaccountable.  The 
local  authorities,  however,  with  whom  Jones,  in  the  course 
of  his  long  stay  in  that  port,  had  acquired  considerable  influ 
ence,  were  strongly  disposed  to  support  his  authority  and  to 
enforce  the  orders  of  Franklin.  Acting  under  the  sanction  of 
the  American  ministers,  and  supported  by  the  local  authori 
ties  at  L'Orient,  as  well  as  by  the  promises  and  countenance 
of  the  government,  had  Jones  at  this  time  listened  to  the 
dictates  of  passion  or  revenge,  irreparable  mischief  might 
have  been  done,  which  his  magnanimity  and  prudence 
averted. 

Basely  as  he  had  been  used,  and  irritated  as  he  must  have 
been,  he  would  not  be  even  the  indirect  cause  of  shedding 

o 

American  blood.  It  is  thus  he  notices  the  part  he  had  taken, 
and  relates  the  consequences  of  the  mutiny  to  Franklin : 


164  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MUTINY. 

"  L'Orient,  June  21,  1780. 

"  Sir, 

"  I  was  detained  at  Versailles  forty  hours  from  the  time  of 
my  arrival,  and  was  then  informed  by  M.  de  Genet,  that  an 
express  had  been  sent  from  Court  with  the  necessary  orders 
to  the  King's  officers  at  L'Orient,  respecting  Captain  Landais 
and  the  Alliance.  I  found  myself  here  early  yesterday 
morning,  fifty-four  hours  after  leaving  Versailles.  The  Alli 
ance  had,  the  evening  and  night  before,  been  warped  and 
towed  from  the  road  of  L'Orient  to  Port  Louis;  and  no 
express  from  Court  had  arrived  here.  M.  de  Thevenard, 
the  commandant,  however,  made  every  necessary  prepara 
tion  to  stop  the  Alliance,  as  appears  by  the  enclosed  docu 
ment  on  the  subject.  He  had  even  sent  orders  in  the  evening, 
before  I  was  aware,  to  fire  on  the  Alliance,  and  sink  her  to 
the  bottom,  if  they  attempted  to  approach  and  pass  the  bar 
rier  that  had  been  made  across  the  entrance  of  the  port. 
Had  I  even  remained  silent  an  hour  longer,  the  dreadful 
work  would  have  been  done.  Your  humanity  will,  I  know, 
justify  the  part  I  acted  in  preventing  a  scene  that  would 
have  rendered  me  miserable  for  the  rest  of  my  life.  The 
Alliance  has  this  morning  been  towed  and  warped  through 
the  rocks,  and  is  now  at  anchor  without,  between  Port  Louis 
and  Groix.  In  this  situation  I  at  noon  sent  out  Lieutenant 
Dale  with  a  letter  to  Captain  Landais.  whereof  the  within  is 
a  copy. 

"  Yesterday  morning  the  within  letter  was  brought  me 
from  Mr.  Lee,  though  I  had  never  even  hinted  that  his 
opinion  or  advice  would  be  acceptable.  He  has,  however, 
pulled  off  the  mask,  and,  I  am  convinced,  is  not  a  little  disap 
pointed  that  his  operations  have  produced  no  bloodshed 
between  the  subjects  of  France  and  America.  Poor  man  ! 

"Yesterday  everything  that  persuasion  or  threatening  could 
effect  was  attempted  *  *  * 


LETTER  TO  A  LADY.  165 

"  M.  de  Thevenard,  on  his  part,  sent  the  deputy  of  M. 
Sweighauser  on  board  with  your  letters,  under  his  own  cover, 
to  Captain  Landais,  and  to  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Alliance. 
The  one  was  delivered  to  Captain  Landais,  the  other  to  Lieu 
tenant  Digges.  M.  de  Thevenard  also  sent  on  board  an  officer 
with  the  King's  order  to  arrest  Captain  Landais,  who  refused 
to  surrender  himself.  Mr.  Lee  and  his  party  pretend  to  justify 
their  measures,  because  they  say  you  did  not  put  Captain 
Landais  under  arrest.  According  to  them,  you  cannot  dis 
place  him,  however  great  his  crimes  !  If  the  government  does 
not  interfere  to  crush  this  despicable  party,  France  and 
America  have  much  to  fear  from  it.  I  verily  believe  them  to 
be  English,  at  the  bottom  of  their  hearts."* 

To  a  lady  in  Paris,  one  of  the  friends  he  had  lately  made, 
he  sent  a  much  fuller  account  of  this  unpleasant  affair,  wishing 
no  doubt,  to  stand  clear  in  the  opinion  of  his  powerful  and 
fashionable  patrons  in  the  capital,  and  reasonably  concluding 
that  his  exculpatory  epistle  might  make  the  round  of  the  cir 
cles.  "  I  confess  to  you,"  he  writes  to  Madame  Tellison, 
"  that  I  feel  rather  ashamed  that  such  an  event  should  have 
happened,  although,  God  knows,  it  was  not  owing  to  any  fault 
of  mine.  The  true  reason  was,  that  M.  Ray  de  Chaumont 
unjustly  detained  from  the  brave  Americans,  who  had  so 
bravely  served  in  the  squadron  under  my  command,  not 
only  their  wages,  but  also  their  prize-money ;  and  he  has 
not,  even  to  this  hour,  given  me  the  means  of  paying  them 
their  just  claims.  One  or  two  envious  persons  here,  taking 
advantage  of  these  circumstances,  persuaded  these  poor  people 
that  I  had  joined  M.  Ray  de  Chaumont  to  detain  from  them 
their  just  dues,  and  that  it  was,  besides,  my  intention  to  carry 
them  on  new  expeditions  in  Europe,  and  not  to  suffer  them  to 
return  to  their  families  in  America  during  the  war.  These 
insinuations  were  false  and  groundless ;  I  had  disapproved 

*  In  a  marginal  note,  affixed  to  this  letter  many  years  afterwards,  Jones  says, 
"In  this  opinion  I  was  not  singular,  though  perhaps  I  was  mistaken." 


1GG  THE  SER APIS  REFITTED. 

the  conduct  of  M.  Ray  de  Chaumont  so  much  as  neither  to 
speak  or  write  to  him  after  my  return  to  France.  My  sole 
business  at  Court  was  to  obtain  the  free  sale  of  the  prizes, 
which  I  effected ;  and,  far  from  being  then  bound  on  new  ex 
peditions  in  Europe,  I  was  ordered  by  the  board  of  admiralty 
in  America  to  return  forthwith  to  Congress,  and  had  in  conse 
quence  received  the  public  despatches  both  from  Dr.  Franklin 
and  the  Court.  The  Alliance,  however,  was  hurried  out  of 
this  port  before  the  crew  had  time  for  reflection ;  yet,  before 
they  sailed  from  the  road  of  Groix,  many  of  them,  seeing  their 
error,  refused  to  weigh  anchor,  and  were  carried  to  sea  con 
fined  hands  and  feet  in  irons.  The  government  of  France 
had  taken  measures  to  stop  the  ship ;  but  I  interposed,  to  pre 
vent  bloodshed  between  the  subjects  of  the  two  allied  nations. 
I  am  now  again  almost  ready  to  sail  in  the  Ariel,  and  I  know, 
soon  after  my  arrival  in  America,  that  Congress  will  do  me 
impartial  justice.  I  will  then  have  the  happiness  to  furnish 
you  with  the  account  I  promised,  and  the  circumstances  will 
be  supported  by  the  fullest  evidence.  I  dare  promise  that  it 
will  then  appear  that  I  have  only  been  to  blame  for  having 
returned  here  from  Paris  without  having  insisted  absolutely  on 
the  previous  payment  of  my  men." 

Franklin  could  at  this  time  do  no  more  to  support  the  au 
thority  of  the  officer  he  had  appointed.  His  anxious  thoughts 
were  in  America,  occupied  with  the  distressed  condition  of 
Washington's  troops.  His  first  object,  therefore,  was  to 
remedy  as  far  as  possible  the  mischief  done  to  the  public  cause 
by  Landais's  mutiny,  and  the  consequent  delay  in  forwarding 
the  military  stores.  Jones,  however,  appears  to  have  felt  his 
own  crippled  command  at  least  as  pressingly  as  the  exigencies 
of  the  distant  troops,  and  attempted  to  obtain  a  larger  vessel 
than  the  Ariel. 

The  Serapis  was  now  refitted.  From  the  hour  of  her  cap 
ture  his  pride  and  his  affections  had  been  fixed  on  this  com 
mand,  and  he  very  plausibly  enumerated  to  Franklin  the 
advantages  that  might  result  to  the  public  cause,  were  he 


FRANKLIN'S  POSITION.  167 

enabled,  with  this  vessel  armed  for  war,  the  Ariel,  and  certain 
American  frigates,  to  undertake  some  of  those  daring  expe 
ditions  he  had  so  often  proposed  to  government.  This  pro 
ject  failed,  and  he  begged  for  the  Terpsichore,  another  French 
ship,  and  engaged  his  personal  friends  to  lend  their  influence 
to  obtain  it  for  him.  Their  solicitations  did  not  succeed. 
France  was  now  in  the  heat  of  the  war, — the  ministry  were 
occupied  with  other  subjects,  and  also  evidently  a  little  tired 
of  the  importunity  of  the  Chevalier  Jones, — and  Franklin  was 
disappointed  and  vexed  at  the  delays  which  had  taken  place 
in  forwarding  those  stores  it  had  cost  him  so  much  to  obtain, 
and  of  which  the  army  stood  in  such  pressing  want.  No 
sooner,  however,  had  the  Alliance  left  port,  than,  without 
wasting  another  thought  on  the  affair,  which  no  thought  could 
amend,  Franklin  writes  with  the  most  business-like  prompti 
tude,  "  That  affair  is  over,  and  the  business  is  now  to  get  the 
goods  out  as  well  as  wre  can.  I  am  perfectly  bewildered  with 
the  different  schemes  that  have  been  proposed  to  me  for  this 
purpose  by  Mr.  Williams,  Mr.  Ross,  yourself,  and  M.  de 
Chaumont.  Mr.  Williams  was  for  purchasing  ships.  I  told 
him  I  had  not  the  money,  but  he  still  urges  it.  You  and  Mr. 
Ross  proposed  borrowing  the  Ariel.  I  joined  in  the  applica 
tion  for  that  ship.  We  obtained  her.  She  was  to  convey 
all  that  the  Alliance  could  not  take.  Now  you  find  her  in 
sufficient.  An  additional  ship  has  already  been  asked,  and 
could  not  be  obtained.  I  think  therefore  it  will  be  best  that 
you  take  as  much  into  the  Ariel  as  you  can  and  depart  with 
it.  For  the  rest  I  must  apply  to  the  government  to  contrive 
some  means  of  transporting  it  in  their  own  ships.  This  is  my 
present  opinion ;  and  when  I  have  once  got  rid  of  this  business, 
no  consideration  shall  tempt  me  to  meddle  again  with  such 
matters,  as  I  never  understood  them." 

Before  Jones  could  get  off  on  this  errand,  so  necessary  to 
America,  but  not  much  calculated,  as  he  felt,  to  increase  his 
glory,  and  therefore,  on  his  part,  not  very  zealously  managed, 


168  SILAS  DEANE. 

a  change  took  place  in  the  French  Ministry  which  revived 
his  hopes.  The  Marquis  de  Castries  succeeded  Sartine  at  the 
head  of  the  marine  department,  and  the  virtuous  Maurepas 
became  prime  minister.  To  both  of  these  distinguished 
persons  Jones  lost  no  time  in  recommending  himself  by  con 
gratulatory  letters  ;  along  with  which  were  transmitted  fresh 
copies  of  the  maritime  projects  formerly  sent  to  their  prede 
cessors  in  office.  He  also  wished,  before  leaving  Europe, 
to  obtain  from  them,  as  the  persons  in  actual  power,  testimo 
nies  in  his  favour,  addressed  to  Congress,  equivalent  to  those 
he  had  obtained  from  Sartine.  His  philanthropy,  patriotism, 
and  disinterested  services,  were  once  more  duly  set  forth  to 
the  new  ministers.  He  endeavoured  to  bring  Mr.  Silas  Deane 
and  Dr.  Bancroft  into  his  views,  and  again  employed  the  in 
fluence  of  his  friend  the  Duke  of  Rochefoucault.  The  ship  so 
earnestly  solicited  was  not  obtained,  nor  does  it  appear  that 
the  American  ministers  concurred  in  the  request. 

Though  on  an  after  investigation  Jones  came  clear  out  of 
this  affair,  it  is  obvious  that,  had  he  been  half  as  anxious  to 
forward  the  military  stores  as  to  serve  the  republic  in  a  way 
more  consonant  to  his  own  taste,  the  Ariel  might  long  before 
this  period  have  reached  the  shores  of  America. 

Towards  the  end  of  June  the  Alliance  had  put  to  sea,  and 
Jones  still  remained  in  port,  when  in  November  accounts 
were  received  of  the  arrival  of  that  ship  at  Boston.  From 
his  friend  Dr.  Cooper  of  that  town  Dr.  Franklin  received  an 
account  of  the  issue  of  Lee's  factious  proceedings,  and  of 
Landais's  mutiny,  which  he  instantly  transmitted  to  the  person 
most  likely  to  sympathize  with  his  feelings  regarding  that 
mortifying  affair.  The  extract  of  Dr.  Cooper's  letter  was 
enclosed  to  the  commodore  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  Temple 
Franklin,  the  grandson  and  secretary  of  Franklin,  the  minister 
himself  being  at  this  time  confined  to  bed : 


LANDAIS  IN  BOSTON. 


169 


Silas  Deaiie. 


"  BOSTON,  September  8th,  1780. 

"  The  Alliance  arrived  here  some  weeks  ago,  with  Dr.  Lee, 
who  is  still  in  town.  This  vessel  appears  to  me  to  have  left 
France  in  an  unjustifiable  manner,  though  I  cannot  yet  obtain 
the  particular  circumstances.  Landais  did  not  hold  his  com 
mand  through  the  voyage,  which  was  either  relinquished  by 
him  or  wrested  from  him.  All  the  passengers,  as  well  as 
15 


170  THE  ARIEL  SAILS. 

officers  and  sailors,  are  highly  incensed  against  him,  and  Dr. 
Lee  as  much  as  any  one.  A  court  of  inquiry  is  now  sitting 
upon  this  matter,  in  which  tire  Doctor  has  given  a  full 
evidence  against  the  captain,  which  represents  him  as 
insane" 

It  was  unfortunate  that  Dr.  Lee  was  so  late  in  making  this 
discovery. 

The  tardy  and  inauspicious  voyage  of  the  Ariel,  so  long 
delayed  and  so  often  obstructed,  was  at  length  commenced 
on  the  8th  of  October.  On  the  following  night  the  ship  en- 


The  Ariel  riding  out  the  storm. 

countered  a  tremendous  gale,  which  was  felt  over  almost  all 
Europe.  She  rode  out  the  storm  for  two  days  dismasted, 
and  the  waters  around  her  covered  with  the  wrecks  of  other 
vessels  ;  and  on  the  13th  put  back,  in  a  very  disabled  condi 
tion  to  L'Orient.  The  arms,  the  most  important  part  of  the 
stores,  were  so  much  damaged,  that  it  was  necessary  they 


JONES  TAKES  LEAVE.  171 

should  be  unshipped  and  left ;  an  I  before  the  vessel  could  be 
repaired  and  freshly  provisioned,  it  was  the  middle  of  Decem 
ber.  Franklin,  though  too  reasonable  to  complain  of  a  delay 
occasioned  by  the  violence  of  the  elements,  grudged,  never 
theless,  the  expense  to  which  he  had  been  repeatedly  put  for 
new  out-fits, — grudged,  but  passed  the  bills  drawn  on  him ; 
giving,  however,  his  less  considerate  friend  sundry  p;ceau- 
tionary  hints. 

"  I  suppose,"  he  writes,  "  you  thought  it  for  the  good  of  the 
service,  as  you  say  you  did,  to  order  that  great  quantity  of 
medicine  for  the  seventy-four-gun  ship,  yet,  after  what  I  had 
wrritten  to  you  of  my  difficulties,  it  still  seems  to  me  that  you 
ought  not  to  have  done  it  without  informing  me  and  obtain 
ing  my  consent;  and  I  have  only  'o  be  thankful  that  you  did 
not  order  all  her  stores,  sails,  and  rigging,  anchors,  powder, 
&c.  I  think  you  must  be  sensible,  on  reflection,  that  with 
regard  to  me  it  was  wrong,  and  that  it  ought  not  to  be  expect 
ed  from  me  to  be  always  ready  and  able  to  pay  the  demands 
that  every  officer  in  the  service  may  saddle  me  with.  This 
affair,  however,  is  done  with,  and  I  shall  say  and  think  no 
more  about  it." 

Jones  gave  such  an  explanation  as  was  at  least  meant  to 
satisfy  the  frugal  statesman ;  to  whom,  on  the  18th  Decem 
ber,  he  once  again  addressed  a  farewell  letter.  He  also  took 
leave  once  more  of  his  friends  and  patrons  in  the  capital. 
One  of  his  valedictory  epistles,  addressed  to  Madame  D'Or- 
moy,  may  be  received  as  the  best  exposition  that  can  be  given 
of  his  feelings  at  the  close  of  his  short  but  brilliant  career  in 
Europe : — "  I  cannot  leave  France  without  expressing  how 
much  I  feel  myself  honoured  and  obliged  by  the  generous 
attention  that  you  have  shown  to  my  reputation  in  your  jour 
nal.  I  will  ever  have  the  most  ardent  desire  to  merit  the 
spontaneous  praise  of  beauty  and  her  pen ;  and  it  is  impos 
sible  to  be  more  grateful  than  I  am  for  the  very  polite  atten 
tions  I  lately  received  at  Paris  and  Versailles.  My  particular 


172  LETTER  TO  MADAME  D'ORMOY. 

thanks  are  due  to  you,  madame,  for  the  personal  proofs  I  had 
received  of  your  esteem  and  friendship,  and  for  the  happiness 
you  procured  me  in  the  society  of  the  charming  countess,  and 
other  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  your  circle.  But  I  have  a 
favour  to  ask  of  you,  madame,  which  I  hope  you  will  grant 
me.  You  tell  me  in  your  letter,  that  the  inkstand  I  had  the 
honour  to  present  you,  as  a  small  token  of  my  esteem,  shall 
be  reserved  for  the  purpose  of  writing  what  concerns  me ; 
now  I  wish  you  to  see  my  idea  in  a  more  expanded  light,  and 
would  have  you  make  use  of  that  inkstand  to  instruct  man 
kind,  and  support  the  dignity  and  rights  of  human  nature." 

"  By  the  enclosed  declaration  of  my  officers,"  he  writes  to 
the  same  lady,  "  you  will  see,  my  dear  madam,  that  I  was  in 
a  ticklish  situation  in  the  moment  while  you  were  employed 
in  writing  to  me  on  the  9th  ultimo.  It  is  impossible  to  be 
more  sensible  than  I  am  of  the  obligation  conferred  on  me 
by  your  attentions  and  kind  remembrance,  joined  to  that  of 
the  belle  comtesse,  your  fair  daughters,  and  the  amiable  ladies 
and  gentlemen  of  your  society.  I  have  returned  without 
laurels,  and,  what  is  worse,  without  having  been  able  to 
render  service  to  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty.  I  know  not 
why  Neptune  was  in  such  anger,  unless  he  thought  it  an 
affront  in  me  to  appear  on  his  ocean  with  so  insignificant  a 
force.  It  is  certain,  that  till  the  night  of  the  8th,  I  did  not 
fully  conceive  the  awful  majesty  of  tempest  and  of  shipwreck. 
I  can  give  you  no  just  idea  of  the  tremendous  scene  that  na 
ture  then  presented,  which  surpassed  the  reach  even  of  poetic 
fancy  and  the  pencil.  I  believe  no  ship  was  ever  before 
saved  from  an  equal  danger  off  the  point  of  the  Penmark 
rocks.  I  am  extremely  sorry  that  the  young  English  lady  you 
mention  should  have  imbibed  the  national  hatred  against  me. 
I  have  had  proofs  that  many  of  the  first  and  finest  ladies  of 
that  nation  are  my  friends.  Indeed  I  cannot  imagine  why  any 
fair  lady  should  be  my  enemy,  since,  upon  the  large  scale  of 
universal  philanthropy,  I  feel,  acknowledge,  and  bend  before 


DtiLIA.  170 

the  sovereign  power  of  beauty.  The  English  nation  may 
hate  me,  but  I  will  force  them,  to  esteem  me  too." 

Jones  had  other,  or  at  least  one  other  fair  correspondent 
about  this  period,  who,  under  the  assumed  name  of  Delia, 
makes  some  figure  in  his  private  history.  The  day  of  the 
Amintas  and  Delias  was  not  then  quite  gone  by ;  and,  under 
this  pastoral  and  poetic  appellation,  a  lady  chose  to  conceal 
herself,  of  whose  real  name  and  situation  the  multitudinous 
papers  left  by  the  commodore,  though  they  include  many  of 
her  letters,  afford  no  satisfactory  trace.  In  America,  Delia 
has  been  discovered  to  be  a  young  lady  of  the  court.  In 
Scotland  we  are  not  so  quick-sighted. 

But  as  the  claims  of  love  and  gallantry  were  ever  post 
poned  by  the  commodore  to  those  of  professional  duty  and 
ambition,  we  shall  in  so  far  follow  his  example  as  to  defer  the 
introduction  of  Delia  and  her  fair  contemporaries,  till  a  more 
convenient  season. 

Besides  the  enthusiastic  epistles  of  Delia,  Jones  carried  out 
the  following  letter,  already  noticed  as  written  by  De  Sartine 
on  the  order  of  the  King  of  France,  and  approved  by  his 
Most  Christian  Majesty  in  council.  This  of  itself  would  have 
ensured  him  that  honourable  reception  in  the  country  of  his 
adoption,  to  which  his  zeal  and  services  gave  him  yet  stronger 
claims. 

Translation  of  the  Letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Hantenydon,  President  of  the  Con 
gress  of  the.  United  States,  by  M.  de  Sartine,  of  the  French  Marine. 

"  VERSAILLES,  29th  May,  1780. 

""Commodore  Paul  Jones,  after  having  given  to  all  Europe, 
and,  above  all,  to  the  enemies  of  France  and  of  the  United 
States,  high  proofs  of  his  valour  and  of  his  talents,  is  about 
to  return  to  America,  to  give  an  account  to  Congress  of  the 
success  of  his  military  operations.  I  am  aware,  sir,  that  the 
reputation  he  has  so  justly  acquired  will  go  before  him,  and 
that  the  history  of  his  campaigns  will  be  sufficient  to  prove 
15* 


174  DE  SARTINE'S  LETTER. 

to  his  countrymen,  that  his  abilities  are  equal  to  his  courage ; 
but  the  king  has  thought  it  right  to  join  to  the  public  voice 
his  approbation  and  his  bounty.  He  has  charged  me  ex 
pressly  to  make  known  to  you  how  much  he  is  satisfied  with 
the  services  of  the  commodore,  persuaded  that  Congress  will 
do  him  like  justice.  His  Majesty  gives  him  a  pledge  of  his 
esteem  in  bestowing  on  him  the  gift  of  a  sword,  which  could 
not  be  placed  in  better  hands,  and  now  offers  to  Congress  to 
decorate  this  brave  officer  with  the  cross  of  the  order  of 
Military  Merit.  His  Majesty  thinks  that  these  peculiar  dis 
tinctions,  associating  together  in  the  same  honours  the  subject 
of  two  countries  united  by  similar  interests,  may  be  regarded 
as  another  tie  between  them,  and  excite  them  to  emulation  in 
the  common  cause.  If,  after  having  approved  the  conduct 
of  the  commodore,  it  is  judged  fit  to  intrust  him  with  any 
new  expedition  to  Europe,  his  Majesty  will  see  him  return 
with  pleasure ;  and  he  presumes  Congress  will  refuse  nothing 
that  may  be  deemed  necessary  to  promote  the  success  of  his 
enterprises.  My  personal  esteem  for  the  commodore  induces 
me  to  recommend  him  in  a  particular  manner  to  you,  sir ; 
and  I  venture  to  hope  that,  in  the  reception  which  he  may 
receive  from  Congress,  he  will  perceive  the  fruits  of  the  senti 
ments  with  which  he  has  inspired  me. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"  DE  SARTINE." 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  ACTION. 


175 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


N  the  18th  February,  1781, 
Commodore  Jones  reached  Phi 
ladelphia.  The  principal  ad 
venture  of  this  voyage  is  thus 
related  by  himself  in  the  me 
morial  to  the  king  of  France, 
and  in  the  third  person : — 
"After  a  variety  of  rencoun 
ters,  he,  in  the  latitude  26°  north 
and  longitude  of  Barbadoes,  met  with  a  remarkably  fast-sail 
ing  frigate  belonging  to  the  enemy's  navy.  Captain  Johes 
endeavoured  to  avoid  speaking  with  that  ship,  and  as  the 
night  approached,  he  hoped  to  succeed,  notwithstanding  her 
superior  sailing.  He  was,  however,  mistaken,  for  next  morn 
ing  the  ships  were  at  less  distance  asunder  than  they  had 
been  the  evening  before,  although  during  the  night  the  officers 
of  the  watch  had  always  informed  Captain  Jones  the  sail  con 
tinued  out  of  sight.  An  action  now  became  unavoidable,  and 
the  Ariel  was  prepared  for  it.  Everything  was  thrown  over 
board  that  interfered  with  the  defence  and  safety  of  the  ship. 
Captain  Jones  took  particular  care,  by  the  management  of 
sails  and  helm,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  discovering  the 
force  of  the  Ariel,  and  worked  her  so  well  as  not  to  discover 
any  warlike  appearance  or  preparation.  In  the  afternoon 
the  Ariel  fired  now  and  then  a  light  stern-chaser  at  the  enemy 
from  the  quarter-deck,  and  continued  to  crowd  sail  as  if  very 
much  alarmed.  This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  the  enemy 
pursued  with  the  greater  eagerness.  Captain  Jones  did  not 


170  SINGULAR  CONVERSATION. 

sutler  the  enemy  to  come  close  up  till  the  approach  of  night, 
when,  having  well  examined  his  force,  he  shortened  sail,  to 
meet  his  approach.  When  the  two  ships  came  within  hail 
of  each  other  they  both  hoisted  English  colours.-  The  person 
whose  duty  it  was  to  hoist  the  pendant  on  board  the  Ariel 
had  not  taken  care  to  make  the  other  end  of  the  halliards  fast, 
to  haul  it  down  again  to  change  the  colours.  This  prevented 
Captain  Jones  from  an  advantageous  manoeuvre  he  had  in 
tended,  and  obliged  him  to  let  the  enemy  range  up  along  the 
lee-side  of  the  Ariel,  where  he  saw  a  battery  lighted  for  action. 
A  conversation  now  took  place  between  the  two  ships,  which 
lasted  near  an  hour ;  by  which  Captain  Jones  learned  the 
situation  of  the  enemy's  affairs  in  America.  The  captain  of 
the  enemy's  ship  said  his  name  was  John  Pindar.  His  ship 
had  been  constructed  by  the  famous  Mr.  Peck  of  Boston,  built, 
at  Newbury  Port,  owned  by  Mr.  Tracey  of  that  place,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Hopkins,  the  son  of  the  late  Commodore 
Hopkins,  and  had  been  taken  and  fitted  out  at  New  York, 
and  named  the  Triumph,  by  Admiral  Rodney.  Captain  Jones 
told  him  he  must  put  out  his  boat,  and  come  on  board  and 
show  his  commission,  to  prove  whether  or  not  he  really  did 
belong  to  the  British  navy.  To  this  he  made  some  excuses, 
because  Captain  Jones  had  not  told  him  who  he  was  ;  and 
his  boat,  he  said,  was  very  leaky.  Captain  Jones  told  him  to 
consider  the  danger  of  refusing.  Captain  Pindar  said  he 
would  answer  for  twenty  guns,  and  that  himself  and  every 
one  of  his  people  had  shown  themselves  Englishmen.  Captain 
Jones  said  he  would  allow  him  five  minutes  only  to  make  his 
reflection.  That  time  being  elapsed,  Captain  Jones  backed  a 
little  on  the  weather-quarter  of  the  enemy,  ran  close  under 
her  stern,  hoisted  American  colours,  and  being  within  short 
pistol-shot  on  the  lee-beam  of  the  enemy,  began  to  engage. 
It  was  past  seven  o'clock,  and  as  no  equal  force  ever  exceeded 
the  vigorous  and  regular  fire  of  the  Ariel's  battery  and  tops, 
the  action  while  it  lasted  made  a  glorious  appearance.  The 


ESCAPE  OF  THE  PRIZE. 


177 


enemy  made  a  feeble  resistance  for  about  ten  minutes.  He 
then  struck  his  colours.  The  enemy  then  begged  for  quarter, 
and  said  half  of  his  men  were  killed.  The  Ariel's  fire  ceased  ; 
and  the  crew,  as  usual  after  a  victory,  gave  cries  of  joy,  to 
*  show  themselves  Englishmen/  The  enemy  filled  their  sails, 
and  got  on  the  Ariel's  weather-bow  before  the  cries  of  joy 
had  ended  on  board  the  Ariel.  Captain  Jones,  suspecting  the 
base  design  of  the  enemy,  immediately  set  every  sail  he  could 
to  prevent  her  escape ;  but  the  enemy  had  so  much  advantage 
in  sailing,  that  the  Ariel  could  not  keep  up,  and  they  soon  got 
out  of  gun-shot.  The  English  captain  may  properly  be  called 
a  knave,  because,  after  he  surrendered  his  ship,  begged  for, 
and  obtained  quarter,  he  basely  ran  away,  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  naval  war  and  the  practice  of  civilized  nations.  A. 
conspiracy  was  discovered  among  the  English  part  of  the 
Ariel's  crew  immediately  after  sailing  from  France.  During 
the  voyage  every  officer,  and  even  the  passengers,  had  been 
constantly  armed,  and  kept  a  regular  watch,  besides  a  con 
stant  guard  with  fixed  bayonets.  After  the  action  with  the 
Triumph  the  plot  was  so  far  discovered,  that  Captain  Jones 
confined  twenty  of  the  ringleaders  in  irons  till  his  arrival. 


178  JONES  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

Captain  Jones  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  18th  February, 
1781,  having  been  absent  from  America  three  years,  three 
months,  and  eighteen  days." 

The  clamour  excited  in  America  by  the  detention  of  the 
army  stores,  and  the  real  evils  which  had  by  this  means 
been  occasioned  to  the  public  service,  compelled  Congress  to 
institute  an  immediate  inquiry  into  the  cause  of  the  delay. 
This  in  common  fairness  was  the  more  necessary,  as  Lan- 
dais,  who  was  arrested  in  coming  to  America  with  the  Alli 
ance,  had  now  been  tried,  and  for  ever  dismissed  the  service. 

A  Board  of  Admiralty  had  been  for  some  time  organized, 
and  on  this  Board  devolved  the  duty  of  inquiry,  while  Con 
gress  almost  simultaneously  took  up  the  affair.  A  string  of 
questions,  forty-seven  in  number,  were  proposed  by  the 
Board  to  Jones,  to  which  he  was  required  to  give  answers  in 
writing.  He  lost  no  time  in  complying  with  this  order ;  nor, 
it  is  to  be  presumed,  in  securing  such  powerful  and  useful 
friends  as  his  brilliant  reputation  and  the  testimonials  he 
brought  from  Europe  had  already  predisposed  in  his  favour. 
Admired  and  caressed  at  the  Court  of  Versailles,  and  more 
dreaded  by  the  vulgar  of  the  English  nation  than  was  very 
creditable  either  to  their  judgment  or  courage,  Paul  Jones 
could  not,  at  this  period  of  agitation  and  imbittered  hostility, 
fail  to  find  friends  in  America,  had  his  public  services  been 
even  less  valuable  and  important  than  they  really  were. 

His  answers  to  the  official  interrogataries  were  on  all 
points  ample,  and,  it  appears,  satisfactory;  and  the  subsequent 
report  of  the  Board,  so  far  from  being  condemnatory,  was 
highly  flattering.  Another  report  of  the  same  Board  will 
show  the  exact  footing  on  which  he  now  stood. 

"  Admiralty  Office,  June  16th,  1781." 

"  The  Board,  to  whom  was  referred  the  letters  and  other 
papers  relative  to  the  conduct  of  John  Paul  Jones,  Esq.,  beg 
leave  to  report,  that  they  have  carefully  perused  said  letters 


REPORT  OF  THE  ADMIRALTY.  179 

and  papers,  wherein  they  find  favourable  mention  is  made  of 
his  abilities  as  an  officer  by  the  Duke  de  Vauguyon,  M.  de 
Sartine  and  Dr.  Franklin ;  and  this  is  also  corroborated  by 
that  valour  and  intrepidity  with  which  he  engaged  his  Bri 
tannic  Majesty's  ship,  the  Serapis,  of  forty-four  cannon, 
twelve  and  eighteen  pounders,  who,  after  a  severe  contest  for 
for  several  hours,  surrendered  to  his  superior  valour,  thereby 
acquiring  honour  to  himself  and  dignity  to  the  American 
flag. 

"  The  Board  therefore  humbly  conceive  that  an  honourable 
testimony  should  be  given  to  Captain  Paul  Jones,  commander 
of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  his  officers  and  crew,  for  their 
many  singular  services  in  annoying  the  enemy  on  the  British 
coasts,  and  particularly  for  their  spirited  behaviour  in  an 
engagement  with  his  Britannic  Majesty's  ship  of  war,  the 
Serapis,  on  the  23d  of  September,  1779,  and  obliging  her  to 
surrender  to  the  American  flag." 

The  following  is  a  farther  extract  from  another  of  these 
reports : — 

"  With  regard  to  Captain  Jones,  the  Board  beg  leave  to 
report,  that  the  views  of  the  Marine  Committee  in  sending 
Captain  Jones,  and  his  views  in  going  in  the  Ranger  to 
France,  were,  that  he  might  take  the  command  of  the  Indian, 
a  ship  that  was  building  at  Amsterdam  on  a  new  construc 
tion,  under  a  contract  made  by  the  Commissioners  of  these 
States  at  Paris,  and  with  her,  in  concert  with  the  Ranger, 
annoy  the  coasts  and  trade  of  Great  Britain.  When  he 
arrived  at  Nantes,  the  Commissioners  sent  for  him  to  Paris. 
After  remaining  there  some  time,  he  was  informed  that  they 
had  assigned  their  property  in  the  ship  Indian  to  the  King  of 
France.  Captain  Jones  returned  to  Nantes,  plans  and  under 
takes  a  secret  expedition  in  the  Ranger,"  &c.  &c.  The 
report  goes  on  to  enumerate  the  various  services  of  Captain 
Jones,  and  then  proceeds,  "  ever  since  Captain  Jones  first 
became  an  officer  in  the  navy  of  those  States,  he  hath  shown 


180  SECOND  REPORT. 

an  unremitted  attention  in  planning  and  executing  enterprises 
calculated  to  promote  the  essential  interests  of  our  glorious 
cause.  That  in  Europe,  although  in  his  expedition  through 
the  Irish  Channel  in  the  Ranger  he  did  not  fully  accomplish 
his  purpose,  yet  he  made  the  enemy  feel  that  it  is  in  the 
power  of  a  small  squadron,  under  a  brave  and  enterprising 
'commander,  to  retaliate  the  conflagration  of  our  defenceless 
towns.  That  returning  from  Europe,  he  brought  with  him 
the  esteem  of  the  greatest  and  best  friends  of  America ;  and 
hath  received  from  the  illustrious  monarch  of  France  that 
reward  of  warlike  virtue  which  his  subjects  receive  by  a 
long  series  of  faithful  services  or  uncommon  merit. 

"  The  Board  are  of  opinion  that  the  conduct  of  Paul  Jones 
merits  particular  attention,  and  some  distinguished  mark  of 
approbation  from  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled.1' 

Had  the  Deports  been  drawn  up  by  himself,  or  his  most 
zealous  friends,  they  could  not  have  been  more  gratifying. 
He  also  received  the  solemn  thanks  of  Congress,-  recorded  in 
the  following  document : — 

"BY  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  CONGRESS  ASSEMBLED, 

"  SATURDAY,  April  14th,  1781. 

.".  On  the  report  of  a  committee  consisting  of  Mr.  Varnun, 
Mr.  Houston,  and  Mr.  Mathews,  to  which  was  referred  a  mo 
tion  of  Mr.  Yarnun : 

"  The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  having  taken 
into  consideration  the  report  of  the  Board  of  Admiralty  of 
the  28th  March  last,,  respecting  the  conduct  of  John  Paul 
Jones,  Esq.,  captain  in  the  navy,  do 

"  Resolve,  That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con 
gress  assembled  be  given  to  Captain  John  Paul  Jones,  for  the 
zeal,  prudence,  and  intrepidity  with  which  he  hath  supported 
the  honour  of  the  American  flag,  for  his  bold  and  successful 
enterprises  to  redeem  from  captivity  -the  citizens  of  these 
States  who  had  fallen  under  the  power  of  the  enemy,  and  in 


LETTER  OF  WASHINGTON.  !81 

general  for  the  good  conduct  and  eminent  services  by  which 
he  has  added  a  lustre  to  his  character  and  to  the  American 
arms. 

"  That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assem 
bled  be  also  given  to  the  officers  and  men  who  have  faithfully 
served  under  him  from  time  to  time,  for  their  steady  affection 
to  the  cause  of  their  country,  and  the  bravery  and  perseve 
rance  they  have  manifested  therein." 

The  following  letter  from  Washington,  of  which  the 
original  is  preserved  among  his  papers,  must  have  completed 
the  satisfaction  Paul  Jones  experienced  in  his  honourable 

public  acquittal : — 

i 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  New  Windsor,  15th  May,  1781. 
«  SIR, 

"  My  partial  acquaintance  with  either  our  naval  or  com 
mercial  affairs  makes  it  altogether  impossible  for  me  to  ac 
count  for  the  unfortunate  delay  of  those  articles  of  military 
stores  and  clothing  which  have  been  so  long  provided  in 
France. 

"  Had  I  had  any  particular  reasons  to  have  suspected  you 
of  being  accessary  to  that  delay,  which  I  assure  you  has  not 
been  the  case,  my  suspicions  would  have  been  removed  by 
the  very  full  and  satisfactory  answers  wrhich  you  have,  to  the 
best  of  my  knowledge,  made  to  the  questions  proposed  to  you 
by  the  Board  of  Admiralty,  and  upon  which  that  Board  have, 
in  their  report  to  Congress",  testified  the  high  sense  which  they 
entertain  of  your  merits  and  services. 

"  Whether  our  naval  affairs  have  in  general  been  well  or 
ill  conducted  would  be  presumptuous  in  me  to  determine. 
Instances  of  bravery  and  good  conduct  in  several  of  our 
officers  have  not,  however,  been  wanting.  Delicacy  forbids 
me  to  mention  that  particular  one  which  has  attracted  the 
admiration  of  all  the  world,  and  which  has  influenced  the 
most  illustrious  monarch,  to  confer  a  mark  of  his  favour  which 
16 


182  ARTHUR  LEE. 

can  only  be  obtained  by  a  long  and  honourable  service,  or  by 
the  performance  of  some  brilliant  action. 

"  That  you  may  long  enjoy  the  reputation  you  have  so 
justly  acquired  is  the  sincere  wish  of, 

SIR, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON." 

In  the  investigation  respecting  the  delay  of  the  stores, 
Franklin  had  been  implicated  as  well  as  Jones.  He  now 
stood  equally  clear ;  and,  however  reluctant  Jones  might  have 
been,  after  Landais  had  usurped  his  command,  and  run  away 
with  his  ship,  to  put  to  sea  with  a  single  vessel,  and  that  of  in 
ferior  force,  the  paramount  and  unceasing  anxiety  of  Frank 
lin  to  forward  the  stores,  does  not  by  any  means  admit  a 
doubt.  In  the  awkward  affair  of  Landais  it  was  accordingly 
decided  that  Franklin  had  done  nothing  for  which  he  had  not 
ample  discretionary  powers ;  and  as  an  appropriate  mark  of 
the  entire  confidence  of  Congress,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
Marine  Committee  to  the  sole  management  of  maritime 
affairs  in  Europe.  The  patron  of  Landais,  the  strenuous  sup 
porter  of  constitutional  rights,  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  now  thought 
proper  to  abandon  his  former  opinions,  together  with  his  un 
lucky  protege,  and  even  to  appear  among  the  active  friends 
of  Commodore  Jones. 

On  coming  thus  clearly  and  honourably  out  of  this  investi 
gation,  Jones,  besides  the  vote  of  thanks  so  gratifying  to  his 
feelings,  obtained  the  reward  which  of  all  others  he  valued 
the  highest,  a  farther  opportunity  of  extending  his  fame  by 
active  service  in  the  cause  of  America.  By  an  unanimous 
ballot,  (for  in  this  manner  it  seems  officers  were  chosen,)  he 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  America,  a  fine  vessel, 
still  on  the  stocks.  Almost  immediately  he  went  to  Ports 
mouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  to  superintend  the  building  and 
equipment  of  this  ship. 


JONES  AT  PORTSMOUTH.  183 

This  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  few  intervals  of  leisure 
and  tranquillity  which  his  chequered  life  afforded.  It  was 
sweetened  by  the  hope  of  future  services  to  be  performed,  and 
future  glories  to  be  acquired.  He  continued  for  some  months 
in  the  little  town  of  Portsmouth,  and,  besides  maintaining  an 
extensive  correspondence  in  France  and  America,  found  time 
to  mature  and  arrange  his  ideas  on  the  subject  of  the  Ameri 
can  navy. 

We  have  not  sufficient  nautical  skill  to  decide  how  far  the 
belief  of  Jones  in  the  relative  superiority  of  the  French  to  the 
English  system  of  naval  tactics  was  even  theoretically  cor 
rect  ;  it  is  enough,  that  almost  every  succeeding  naval 
engagement  has  practically  demonstrated  the  futility  of  his 
speculations.  The  ships  of  England  scarcely  ever  afterwards 
met  those  of  her  rival  save  to  beat  them,  till  the  flag  of 
France  was  literally  swept  from  the  seas.  But  though  the 
opinions  of  Jones  are  thus,  in  all  probability,  abstractly  of  no 
great  value  as  those  of  a  great  naval  tactician,  they  are  of 
some  consequence,  as  they  discover  the  state  of  his  own 
mind,  his  strong  prepossession  for  whatever  was  French,  and 
his  jealousy  of  English  naval  supremacy.  It  is  but  fair  to  let 
him  state  his  reasons  for  his  singular  belief. 

"  The  beginning  of  our  navy,"  he  says,  "  as  navies  now 
rank,  was  so  singularly  small,  that  I  am  of  opinion  it  has  no 
precedent  in  history.  Was  it  a  proof  of  madness  in  the  first 
corps  of  sea-officers  to  have,  at  so  critical  a  period,  launched 
out  on  the  ocean  with  only  two  armed  merchant  ships,  two 
armed  brigantines,  and  one  armed  sloop,  to  make  war 
against  such  a  power  as  Great  Britain  1  To  be  diffident  is 
not  always  a  proof  of  ignorance.  I  had  sailed  before  this 
revolution  in  armed  ships  and  frigates,  yet,  when  I  came  to 
try  my  skill,  I  am  not  ashamed  to  own  I  did  not  find  myself 
perfect  in  the  duties  of  a  first  lieutenant.  If  midnight  study, 
and  the  instruction  of  the  greatest  and  most  learned  sea- 
officers,  can  have  given  me  advantages,  I  am  not  without 


184  NAVAL  TACTICS. 

them.  I  confess,  however,  I  have  yet  to  learn ;  it  is  the  wor.k 
of  many  years'  study  and  experience  to  acquire  the  higu 
degree  of  science  necessary  for  a  great  sea-officer.  Cruising 
after  merchant  ships,  the  service  in  which  our  frigates  have 
generally  been  employed,  affords,  I  may  say,  no  part  of  the 
knowledge  necessary  for  conducting  fleets  and  their  opera 
tions.  There  is  now,  perhaps,  as  much  difference  between  a 
battle  between  two  ships,  and  an  engagement  between  two 
fleets,  as  there  is  between  a  duel  and  a  ranged  battle  between 
two  armies.  The  English,  who  boast  so  much  of  their  navy, 
never  fought  a  ranged  battle  on  the  ocean  before  the  war 
that  is  now  ended.  The  battle  off  Ushant  was,  on  their  part, 
like  their  former  ones,  irregular ;  and  Admiral  Keppell  could 
only  justify  himself  by  the  example  of  Hawke  in  our  remem 
brance,  and  of  Russel  in  the  last  century.  From  that  moment 
the  English  were  forced  to  study  and  to  imitate  the  French 
in  their  evolutions.  They  never  gained  any  advantage  when 
they  had  to  do  with  equal  force,  and  the  unfortunate  defeat 
of  Count  de  Grasse  was  owring  more  to  the  unfavourable  cir 
cumstances  of  the  wind  coming  ahead  four  points  at  the 
beginning  of  the  battle,  which  put  his  fleet  into  the  order  of 
echiquier  when  it  was  too  late  to  tack,  and  of  calm  and  cur 
rents  afterwards,  which  brought  on  an  entire  disorder,  than 
to  the  admiralship,  or  even  the  vast  superiority  of  Rodney, 
who  had  forty  sail  of  the  line  against  thirty,  and  five  three- 
deckers  against  one.  By  the  account  of  some  of  the  French 
officers,  Rodney  might  as  well  have  been  asleep,  not  having 
made  a  second  signal  during  the  battle,  so  that  every  captain 
did  as  he  pleased. 

"  The  English  are  very  deficient  in  signals  as  well  as  in 
naval  tactic.  This  I  know,  having  in  my  possession  their 
present  fighting  and  sailing  instructions,  which  comprehend 
all  their  signals  and  evolutions.  Lord  Howe  has,  indeed, 
made  some  improvements  by  borrowing  from  the  French. 
But  Kempenfelt,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  more  promising 


GRADES  OF  OFFICERS.  185 

,  had  made  a  still  greater  improvement  by  the  same 
means.  It  was  said  of  Kempenfelt,  when  he  was  drowned 
in  the  Royal  George.  England  has  lost  her  Du  Pavillion. 
That  great  man,  the  Chevalier  Du  Pavillion,  commanded  the 
Triumphant,  and  was  killed  in  the  last  battle  of  Count  de 
Grasse.  France  lost  in  him  one  of  her  greatest  naval  tacti 
cians,  and  a  man  who  had,  besides,  the  honour  (in  1773)  to 
invent  the  new  system  of  naval  signals,  by  which  sixteen 
hundred  orders,  questions,  answers,  and  informations,  can, 
without  confusion  or  misconstruction,  and  with  the  greatest 
celerity,  be  communicated  through  a  great  fleet.  It  was  his 
fixed  opinion  that  a  smaller  number  of  signals  would  be  insuf 
ficient.  A  captain  of  the  line  at  this  day  must  be  a|frctician. 
A  captain  of  a  cruising  frigate  may  make  shift  without  ever 
having  heard  of  naval  tactics.  Until  I  arrived  in  France, 
and  became  acquainted  with  that  great  tactician  Count 
D'Orvilliers,  and  his  judicious  assistant  the  Chevalier  du  Pa 
villion,  who,  eacji  of  them,  honoured  me  with  instructions 
respecting  the  science  of  governing  the  operations,  &c.  of  a 
fleet,  I  confess  I  \vas  not  sensible  how  ignorant  I  had  been 
before  that  time  of  naval  tactics."* 

However  defective  the  general  views  of  the  commodore 
might  be  as  a  great  tactician,  his  ideas  of  the  proper  forma 
tion  and  internal  policy  and  regulation  of  a  navy  for  the 
young  republic  of  America  discover  a  comprehensive  mind, 
and  a  liberal  and  generous  spirit.  On  these  points  he  had  to 
contend  with  no  lurking  prepossessions.  His  very  prejudices 
were  here  all  on  the  right  side. 

"  From  the  observations  I  have  made,"  he  says,  "  and 
what  I  have  read,  it  is  my  opinion,  that  in  a  navy  there  ought 
to  be  at  least  as  many  grades  belo\v  a  captain  of  the  line  as 

*  Jones  forgets  once  writing  Franklin  that  this  illustrious  commander 
chose  rather  to  permit  several  English  frigates  to  escape  him,  than  violate 
professional  etiquette  by  breaking  his  line  !  This  was  tactics  with  a  ven 
geance  ! 

16* 


186  THE  AMERICAN  NAVY. 

there  are  below  a  colonel  of  a  regiment.  Even  the  navy  of 
France  is  deficient  in  subaltern  grades,  and  has  paid  dearly 
for  that  error  in  its  constitution,  joined  to  another  of  equal 
magnitude,  which  authorizes  ensigns  of  the  navy  to  take 
charge  of  watch  on  board  ships  of  the  line.  One  instance 
may  be  sufficient  to  show  this.  The  Zeie,  in  the  night 
between  the  llth  and  12th  of  April,  1782,  ran  on  board  the 
Ville  de  Paris,  which  accident  was  the  principal  cause  of  the 
unfortunate  battle  that  ensued  next  day  between  Count  de 
Grasse  and  Admiral  Rodney.  That  accident  in  all  proba 
bility  would  not  have  happened  had  the  deck  of  the  Zele  been 
at  the  time  commanded  by  a  steady  experienced  lieutenant 
of  the  li$ie  instead  of  a  young  ensign.  The  charge  of  the 
deck  of  a  ship  of  the  line  should,  in  my  judgment,  never  be 
intrusted  to  an  officer  under  twenty-five  years  of  age.  At 
that  time  of  life  he  may  be  supposed  to  have  served  nine  or 
ten  years, — a  term  not  more  than  sufficient  to  have  furnished 
him  with  the  necessary  knowledge  for  so  great  a  charge.  It 
is  easy  to  conceive  that  the  minds  of  officers  must  become 
uneasy,  when  they  are  continued  too  long  in  any  one  grade, 
which  must  happen  (if  regard  be  paid  to  the  good  of  the 
service)  where  there  are  no  more  subaltern  grades  than 
midshipman  and  lieutenant.  Would  it  not  be  wiser  to  raise 
young  men  by  smaller  steps,  and  to  increase  the  number  ? 

"  I  have  many  things  to  offer  respecting  the  formation  of 
our  navy.  We  are  a  young  people,  and  need  not  be  ashamed 
to  ask  advice  from  nations  older  and  more  experienced  in 
marine  affairs  than  ourselves.  This,  I  conceive,  might  be 
done  in  a  manner  that  would  be  received  as  a  compliment 
by  several,  or  perhaps  all  the  marine  powers  of  Europe,  and 
at  the  same  time  would  enable  us  to  collect  such  helps  as 
would  be  of  vast  use  when  we  come  to  form  a  constitution 
for  the  creation  and  government  of  our  marine,  the  establish 
ment  and  police  of  our  dock-yards,  academies,  hospitals,  &c. 
&c.,  and  the  general  police  of  our  seamen  throughout  the 


THE  AMERICAN  NAVY.  187 

continent.  These  considerations  induced  me,  on  my  return 
from  the  fleet  of  his  excellency  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  to 
propose  to  you  to  lay  my  ideas  on  the  subject  before  Con 
gress,  and  to  propose  sending  a  proper  person  to  Europe  in  a 
handsome  frigate,  to  display  our  flag  in  the  ports  of  the  dif 
ferent  marine  powers,  to  offer  them  the  free  use  of  our  ports, 
and  propose  to  them  commercial  advantages,  &c.,  and  then 
to  ask  permission  to  visit  their  marine  arsenals,  to  be 
informed  how  they  are  furnished  both  with  men,  provision, 
materials,  and  warlike  stores, — by  what  police  and  officers 
they  are  governed,  how  and  from  what  resources  the  officers 
and  men  are  paid,  &c. — the  line  of  conduct  drawn  between 
the  officers  of  the  fleet  and  the  officers  of  the  ports,  &LC. — 
also  the  armament  and  equipment  of  the  different  ships  of 
war,  with  their  dimensions,  the  number  and  qualities  of  their 
officers  and  men,  by  what  police  they  are  governed  in  port 
and  at  sea,  how  and  from  what  resources  they  are  fed, 
clothed,  and  paid,  &c.,  and  the  general  police  of  their  sea 
men,  and  academies,  hospitals,  &c.  &c.  If  you  still  object  to 
my  project  on  account  of  the  expense  of  sending  a  frigate 
to  Europe,  and  keeping  her  there  till  the  business  can  be 
effected,  I  think  it  may  be  done,  though  perhaps  not  with 
the  same  dignity,  without  a  frigate.  My  plan  for  forming  a 
proper  corps  of  sea-officers  is,  by  teaching  them  the  naval 
tactics  in  a  fleet  of  evolution.  To  lessen  the  expense  as 
much  as  possible,  I  would  compose  that  fleet  of  frigates 
instead  of  ships  of  the  line  ;  on  board  of  each  I  would  have  a 
little  academy,  where  the  officers  should  be  taught  the  prin- 
ples  of  mathematics  and  mechanics,  when  off  duty.  When 
in  port,  the  young  officers  should  be  obliged  to  attend  the 
academies  established  at  each  dock-yard,  where  they  should 
be  taught  the  principles  of  every  art  and  science  that  is  neces 
sary  to  form  the  character  of  a  great  sea-officer.  And  every 
commission  officer  of  the  navy  should  have  free  access,  and 
be  entitled  to  receive  instruction  gratis  at  those  academies. 


188  NEW  DISAPPOINTMENT. 

All  this  would  be  attended  with  no  very  great  expense,  and 
the  public  advantage  resulting  from  it  would  be  immense.  I 
am  sensible  it  cannot  be  immediately  adopted,  and  that  we 
must  first  look  about  for  ways  and  means ;  but  the  sooner  it 
is  adopted  the  better.  We  cannot,  like  the  ancients,  build  a 
fleet  in  a  month,  and  we  ought  to  take  example  from  what 
has  lately  befallen  Holland.  In  time  of  peace  it  is  necessary 
to  prepare,  and  be  always  prepared,  for  war  by  sea.  I  have 
had  the  honour  to  be  presented  with  copies  of  the  signals, 
tactics,  and  police,  that  have  been  adopted  under  the  different 
admirals  of  France  and  Spain  during  the  war,  and  have  in 
my  last  campaign  seen  them  put  in  practice.  While  I  was 
at  Brest,  as  well  as  while  I  was  inspecting  the  building  of  the 
America,  as  I  had  furnished  myself  with  good  authors,  I 
applied  much  of  my  leisure  time  to  the  study  of  naval  archi 
tecture,  and  other  matters  that  relate  to  the  establishment  and 
police  of  dock-yards,  &c.  I,  however,  feel  myself  bound  to 
say  again,  I  have  yet  much  need  to  be  instructed." 

The  ship  America,  by  his  exertions,  was  now  nearly  com 
pleted,  and  Jones  had  once  more  the  immediate  prospect  of 
active  service ;  but  fortune  had  yet  another  reverse  in  store 
for  him;  or  more  properly,  at  this  time  commenced  that 
series  of  disappointments  and  chagrins  which,  whether  in 
Europe  or  America,  continued,  with  brief  intermissions,  to 
pursue  him  through  his  subsequent  life,  till  they  consigned 
him  to  a  premature  grave.  It  appears  to  have  been  the  fate 
of  Jones  at  different  epochs  of  his  life,  by  the  energies  and 
activity  of  his  character,  and  the  impetuosity  of  his  temper, 
to  have  momentarily  strained  the  instruments  of  his  advance 
ment  so  far  beyond  the  proper  pitch,  that  they  violently 
recoiled,  as  if  by  the  counteracting  force  caused  by  their 
over-tension,  on  the  instant  that  his  vigorous  hand  was 
removed. 

The  Magnifique,  a  seventy-four  gun  ship,  belonging  to 
France,  had,  by  accident  or  mismanagement,  been  lost  in  the 


THE  AMERICA.  189 

harbour  of  Boston.  To  make  up  this  loss,  and  keep  theii 
powerful  ally  in  good  humour,  Congress  did  not  scruple  to  strip 
Jones  of  the  command  so  flatteringly  bestowed,  and  this  with 
out  giving  him  any  equivalent  appointment,  or  any  future 
pledge.  This  was  the  second  time  he  had  been  disappointed 
in  a  similar  way :  the  America  shared  the  fate  of  the  Indian ; 
it  was  presented  by  Congress  to  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne, 
for  the  service  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty.  Fifteen  months 
after  his  appointment  Jones  received  the  following  letter  from 
the  Minister  of  Marine  :  — 

MARINE  OFFICE,  4th  Sept.  1782. 
«  DEAR  SIR, 

"The  enclosed  resolution  will  show  you  the  destination  of 
the  ship  America.  Nothing  could  be  more  pleasing  to  me  than 
this  disposition,  excepting  so  far  as  you  are  affected  by  it.  I 
know  you  so  well  as  to  be  convinced  that  it  must  give  you 
great  pain,  and  I  sincerely  sympathize  with  you.  But  although 
you  will  undergo  much  concern  at  being  deprived  of  this  op 
portunity  to  reap  laurels  on  your  favourite  field,  yet  your  re 
gard  for  France  will  in  some  measure  alleviate  it ;  and  to  this 
your  good  sense  will  naturally  add  the  delays  which  must 
have  happened  in  fitting  the  ship  for  sea.  I  must  entreat  you 
to  continue  your  inspection  until  she  is  launched,  and  to  urge 
forward  the  buisness.  When  that  is  done,  if  you  will  come 
hither  I  will  explain  to  you  the  reasons  which  led  to  this  mea 
sure,  and  my  views  of  employing  you  in  the  service  of  your 
country.  You  will  on  your  route  have  an  opportunity  of  con- 
fering  with  the  general  on  the  blow  you  mentioned  to  me  in 
one  of  your  letters."  *  *  *  * 

Whatever  might  have  been  the  feelings  of  Jones  on  this 
abrupt  and  painful  communication,  they  were  stifled  by  pru 
dence  and  patriotism  ;  and  the  cheerfulness  and  magnanimity 
with  which  he  submitted  to  this  stroke  elicited  the  subjoined 
letter  from  Morris: — 


190  MR.  MORRIS'S  LETTER. 

"MARINE  OFFICE,  4th  October,  1782. 
"  SIR, 

"  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  22d  of  last  month.  The 
sentiments  contained  in  it  will  always  reflect  the  highest  ho 
nour  upon  your  character.  They  have  made  so  strong  an  im 
pression  upon  my  mind,  that  I  immediately  transmitted  an 
extract  of  your  letter  to  Congress.  I  doubt  not  but  they  will 
view  it  in  the  same  manner  that  I  have  done." 

Jones,  on  the  request  of  the  minister,  continued  to  superin 
tend  the  equipment  of  the  ship;  but  as  honourable  employment, 
whether  in  the  sea  or  land  service,  was  ever  his  favourite 
object,  he  now  solicited  the  leave  of  Congress  to  go  on  board 
the  French  fleet,  then  cruising  in  the  American  seas,  for  im 
provement  in  his  profession.  This  was  given  in  the  most 
gracious  manner,  in  the  subjoined  resolution : — 

BY  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  CONGRESS  ASSEMBLED. 

"WEDNESDAY,  December  4th,  1782. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  agent  of  marine  be  informed  that  Con 
gress,  having  a  high  sense  of  the  merit  and  services  of  Captain 
John  Paul  Jones,  and  being  disposed  to  favour  the  zeal  mani 
fested  by  him  to  acquire  improvement  in  the  line  of  his  pro 
fession,  do  grant  the  permission  which  he  requests,  and  that 
the  said  agent  be  instructed  to  recommend  him  accordingly 
to  the  countenance  of  his  Excellency  the  Marquis  de  Vau- 
dreuil." 

The  languor  of  inactivity,  and  the  disappointment  which  fol 
lowed,  were  also  somewhat  soothed  by  the  receipt,  from  time 
to  time,  of  letters,  of  which  the  following  from  La  Fayette 
and  Adams  may  furnish  a  sample : — 

"ALLIANCE,  off  Boston,  December,  1781. 

"  I  have  been  honoured  with  your  polite  favour,  my  dear 
Paul  Jones ;  but  before  it  reached  me  I  already  was  on  board 
the  Alliance,  and  every  minute  expecting  to  put  to  sea.  It 


JOHN  ADAMS'S  LETTER.  191 

would  have  afforded  me  great  satisfaction  to  pay  my  respects 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Portsmouth,  and  the  State  in  which  you 
are  for  the  present.  As  to  the  pleasure  to  take  you  by  the 
hand,  my  dear  Paul  Jones,  you  know  my  affectionate  senti 
ments,  and  my  very  great  regard  for  you,  so  that  I  need  not 
add  anything  on  that  subject. 

"  Accept  my  best  thanks  for  the  kind  expressions  in  your 
letter.  His  Lordship's  downfall*  is  a  great  event,  and  the 
greater,  as  it  was  equally  and  amicably  shared  by  the  two 
allied  nations.  Your  coming  to  the  army  I  had  the  honour 
to  command  would  have  been  considered  as  a  very  flattering 
compliment  to  me  who  love  you  and  know  your  worth.  I 
am  impatient  to  hear  you  are  ready  to  sail,  and  I  am  of 
opinion  we  ought  to  unite  under  you  every  continental  ship 
we  can  muster,  with  such  a  body  of  well-appointed  marines 
as  might  cut  a  good  figure  ashore ;  and  then  give  you  plenty 
of  provision,  and  carte  blanche. 

"  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  see  you.  I  also  had  many  things  to 
tell  you;  write  me  by  good  opportunities,  but  not  often  in 
ciphers,  unless  the  matter  is  very  important,"  &c.  &c. 

"  LA  FAYETTE." 

"  HAGUE,  12th  August,  1782. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  had  yesterday  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  favour 
of  the  10th  December  last.  ****** 
The  command  of  the  America  could  not  have  been  more  ju 
diciously  bestowed  ;  and  it  is  with  impatience  I  wish  her  at 
sea,  where  she  will  do  honour  to  her  name.  Nothing  gives 
me  so  much  surprise,  or  so  much  regret,  as  the  inattention  of 
my  countrymen  to  their  navy.  It  is  to  us  a  bulwark  as  essen 
tial  as  it  is  to  Great  Britain.  It  is  less  costly  than  armies, 
and  more  easily  removed  from  one  of  the  United  States  to 
the  other.  ******** 


*    Lord  Corn  \va  His. 


192 


JOHN  ADAMS'S  LETTER. 


John  Adams. 


"  Every  day  shows  that  the  Batavians  have  not  wholly  lost 
their  ancient  character.  They  are  always  timid  and  slow 
in  adopting  their  political  systems;  but  always  firm  and  able 
in  support  of  them  ;  and  always  brave  and  active  in  war. 
They  have  hitherto  been  restrained  by  their  chiefs ;  but  if 
the  war  continue,  they  will  show  that  they  are  possessed  of 
the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  that  they  have  lost  none  of  their 
great  qualities. 


JONES  APPOINTED  AGENT  FOR  PRIZES.  193 

"  Rodney's  victory  has  intoxicated  Britain  again  to  such  a 
degree,  that  I  think  there  will  be  no  peace  for  some  time. 
Indeed,  if  I  could  see  a  prospect  of  having  a  half-dozen  line- 
of-battle  ships  under  the  American  flag,  commanded  by  Com 
modore  Paul  Jones,  engaged  with  an  equal  British  force,  I 
apprehend  the  event  would  be  so  glorious  for  the  United 
States,  and  lay  so  sure  a  foundation  for  their  prosperity,  that 
it  would  be  a  rich  compensation  for  a  continuance  of  the  war. 
However,  it  does  not  depend  upon  us  to  finish  it.  There 
is  but  one  way,  and  that  is  Burgoynizing  Carlton  in  New 
York.  *  *  *  #  *  **** 

"  JOHN  ADAMS." 

Jones  went  on  board  the  French  fleet  according  to  the 
permission  granted  by  Congress ;  but  peace  put  a  sudden  end 
to  his  nautical  studies  in  this  school ;  and  a  few  complimentary 
letters  are  the  sole  trophies  that  remain  of  his  bloodless  cam 
paign.  These  testimonies  of  his  talents  and  conduct  were 
addressed  by  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  to  Mr.  Morris,  the 
Minister  of  the  American  Marine,  and  to  the  Chevalier  de 
la  Luzerne,  the  French  Ambassador  to  the  United  States. 

That  impatience  of  inactivity,  which  appears  to  have  been 
an  inherent  quality  in  the  mind  of  Jones,  and  considerations 
of  private  interest  and  friendship,  now  induced  him  to  solicit 
an  appointment  in  Europe,  as  agent  for  prize-money,  of  which 
large  sums  were  still  due  to  himself,  and  to  his  officers  and 
men,  both  in  France  and  Denmark.  Their  claims  had  indeed 
never  been  settled,  and  the  arrangement  was  no  easy  matter. 
Pursuant  to  a  resolution  of  Congress,  he  was,  on  the  1st  No 
vember,  1783,  formally  appointed  "  agent  for  all  prizes  taken 
in  Europe  under  his  own  command."  On  his  arrival  in  Paris, 
his  mission  was  sanctioned  by  Franklin,  still  minister  plenipo 
tentiary  at  Versailles,  and  he  proceeded  in  the  affair,  which 
had  baffled  out  other  negotiators,  with  his  characteristic 
vigour  and  perseverance.  We  are  well  warranted  in  pre- 
17 


194  JOHN  LED  YARD. 

suming  that  Jones  would  infinitely  rather  have  re-visited 
Europe  at  this  time,  commander  of  that  gallant  experimental 
frigate  which  he  had  so  earnestly  recommended  Congress  to 
equip,  than  in  the  comparatively  tame  character  he  now  held. 
His  embassy,  for  such  he  loved  to  consider  it,  proved  tedious, 
and  even  vexatious.  His  old  antagonist,  M.  de  Chaumont, 
had  become  insolvent ;  the  French  finances  were  already  in 
great  disorder,  and  disinclination  existed  in  every  department 
to  an  adjustment  or  liquidation  of  the  claims  of  the  captors. 
The  opposition  of  Chaumont  was  peculiarly  irritating  to  Jones, 
who  lost  no  opportunity  of  reviling  and  exposing  him  in  his 
frequent  correspondence  with  the  Marshal  de  Castris. 

While  this  affair  was  in  progress,  Jones  renewed  and  ex 
tended  his  former  social  connexions  in  Paris ;  and  for  three 
years,  at  this  time,  supported  a  considerable  figure  in  the 
fashionable  society  of  that  capital,  both  for  the  gratification 
of  his  personal  feelings  and  the  advancement  of  his  mission. 
In  this  interval  he  also  formed  several  projects  of  commercial 
speculations,  on  the  scale  suited  to  the  enterprising  character 
of  his  mind,  and  in  concert  with  different  individuals  of  capital 
and  influence.  One  of  these  projects,  of  which  a  sketch  still 
remains  among  his  papers,  was  to  establish  a  fur-trade  be 
tween  the  north-west  coast  of  America  and  China,  or  Japan. 
The  person  fixed  on  to  act  as  supercargo  in  this  adventurous 
expedition  was  the  celebrated  John  Ledyard,  with  whom  it 
probably  originated.  It  went  so  far,  that  Jones  was  on  the 
point  of  purchasing  a  ship  ;  but  failed,  partly  from  the  jealousy 
of  the  Spanish  government,  and  partly  from  private  causes. 
The  Algerines,  and  the  sufferings  of  their  American  cap 
tives,  were  another  object  of  his  anxious  attention,  and  one  of 
which  he  never  lost  sight  for  the  short  remainder  of  his  life, 
though  he  was  not  able  to  effect  much  in  the  behalf  of  this 
unfortunate  portion  of  his  countrymen. 

Another  of  Jones's  amusements  at  this  time  was  having  his 
bust  taken,  which  was  afterwards  somewhat  ostentatiously 


JONES  RETURNS  TO  AMERICA.  195 

presented  to  a  favoured  few  in  America.  He  also  handed 
round  the  journal  of  his  short  and  brilliant  campaign,  and  re 
ceived  in  return  the  usual  requital  of  letters  of  compliment, 
which,  when  proceeding  from  such  characters  as  Malsherbes 
arid  D'Estaing,  any  man  may  be  pardoned  for  overvaluing. 
A  compliment  was  never  thrown  away  on  the  commodore, 
and  seldom  forgotten. 

Tedious  as  the  affair  of  the  prize-money  proved,  an  equita 
ble  and  even  liberal  adjustment  was  obtained  in  France  long 
before  any  prospect  of  a  settlement  of  the  claims  on  Den 
mark,  which  power  had  shuffled  for  eight  years  with  con 
siderable  dexterity,  and  continued  to  do  so  still. 

With  his  mission  thus  far  accomplished,  Jones,  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1787,  returned  to  America,  giving  the  following 
reasons  for  not  at  this  time  proceeding  to  Copenhagen : — 

To  His  Excellency  John  Jay,  Esq.,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

"NEW  YORK,  July  8th,  1787. 
"  SIR, 

"  The  application  I  made  for  a  compensation  for  our  prizes 
through  the  Danish  minister  in  London  not  having  succeeded, 
it  was  determined  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  myself,  that  the 
proper  method  to  obtain  satisfaction  was  for  me  to  go  in  per 
son  to  the  Court  of  Copenhagen.  It  was  necessary  for  me 
to  see  the  Baron  de  Blome,  before  I  could  leave  France  on 
that  business,  and  he  being  absent  on  a  tour  in  Switzerland, 
did  not  return  to  Paris,  till  the  beginning  of  last  winter.  I 
left  Paris  in  the  spring,  and  went  as  far  as  Brussels  on  my 
way  to  Copenhagen,  when  an  unforeseen  circumstance  in  my 
private  affairs  rendered  it  indispensable  for  me  to  turn  about 
and  cross  the  ocean.  My  private  business  here  being  already 
finished,  I  shall  in  a  few  days  re-embark  for  Europe,  in  order 
to  proceed  to  the  court  of  Denmark.  It  is  my  intention  to 
go  by  the  way  of  Paris,  in  order  to  obtain  a  letter  to  the 
French  minister  at  Copenhagen,  from  the  Count  de  Mont- 
morin,  as  the  one  I  obtained  is  from  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 


196  JONES'S  LETTER  TO  JOHN  JAY. 

It  would  be  highly  flattering  to  me  if  I  could  carry  a  letter 
with  me  from  Congress  to  his  Most  Christian  Majesty,  thank 
ing  him  for  the  squadron  he  did  us  the  honour  to  support  un 
der  our  flag.  And  on  this  occasion,  sir,  permit  me,  with  be 
coming  diffidence,  to  recall  the  attention  of  my  sovereign  to 
the  letter  of  recommendation  I  brought  with  me  from  the 
court  of  France,  dated  30th  May,  1 780.  It  would  be  pleas 
ing  to  me  if  that  letter  should  be  found  to  merit  a  place  on 
the  journals  of  Congress.  Permit  me  also  to  entreat  that 
Congress  will  be  pleased  to  read  the  letter  I  received  from  the 
minister  of  marine,  when  his  Majesty  deigned  to  bestow  on 
me  a  golden-hilted  sword,  emblematical  of  the  happy  alliance, 
— an  honour  which  his  Majesty  never  conferred  on  any  other 
foreign  officer.  I  owed  the  high  favour  I  enjoyed  at  the 
court  of  France,  in  a  great  degree  to  the  favourable  testi 
mony  of  my  conduct  which  had  been  communicated  by  his 
Majesty's  ambassador,  under  whose  eye  I  acted  in  the  most 
critical  situation  in  the  Texel,  as  well  as  to  the  public  opinion 
of  Europe.  And  the  letter  with  which  I  was  honoured  by 
the  prime  minister  of  France,  when  I  was  about  to  return  to 
America,  is  a  clear  proof  that  we  might  have  drawn  still 
greater  advantages  from  the  generous  disposition  of  our  ally, 
if  our  marine  had  not  been  lost  whilst  I  was,  under  perplex 
ing  circumstances,  detained  in  Europe,  after  I  had  given  the 
Count  de  Maurepas  rny  plan  for  forming  a  combined  squadron 
of  ten  or  twelve  sail  of  frigates,  supported  by  the  America, 
with  a  detachment  of  French  troops  on  board ;  the  whole  at 
the  expense  of  his  Majesty. 

"  It  is  certain  that  I  am  much  flattered  by  receiving  a  gold 
sword  from  the  most  illustrious  monarch  now  living ;  but  I 
had  refused  to  accept  his  commission  on  two  occasions  before 
that  time,  when  some  firmness  was  necessary. to  resist  the 
temptation.  He  was  not  my  sovereign ;  I  served  the  cause 
of  freedom ;  and  honours  from  my  sovereign  would  be  more 
pleasing.  Since  the  year  1775,  when  I  displayed  the  Ameri- 


JONES'S  CLAIMS.  197 

can  flag  for  the  first  time  with  my  own  hands,  I  have  been 
constantly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  America.  Foreigners 
have,  perhaps,  given  me  too  much  credit,  and  this  may  have 
raised  my  ideas  of  my  services  above  their  real  value ;  but 
my  zeal  can  never  be  over-rated. 

"  I  should  act  inconsistently  if  I  omitted  to  mention  the 
dreadful  situation  of  our  unhappy  fellow-citizens  in  slavery 
at  Algiers.  Their  almost  hopeless  fate  is  a  deep  reflection  on 
our  national  character  in  Europe.  I  beg  leave  to  influence 
the  humanity  of  Congress  in  their  behalf,  and  to  propose  that 
some  expedient  may  be  adopted  for  their  redemption.  A 
fund  might  be  raised  for  that  purpose  by  a  duty  of  a  shilling 
per  month  from  seamen's  wages  throughout  the  continent,  and 
I  am  persuaded  that  no  difficulty  would  be  made  to  that 
requisition. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
Sir,  &c.,  &c. 

"  PAUL  JONES." 

The  manner  in  which  Jones  had  divided  the  quotas,  and 
the  magnitude  of  his  private  claims  for  personal  expenses 
while  engaged  in  this  service,  did  not  satisfy  the  Board  of 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  and  their  report  highly 
offended  him.  He,  however,  made  out  what,  allowing  for  a 
considerable  alloy  of  self-eulogium,  inseparable  from  all  his 
vindicatory  writings,  may  be  called  a  triumphant  case. 
"  The  settlement,"  he  says.  "  that  I  made  with  the  court  of 
France  had  first  Dr.  Franklin's  and  afterwards  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's  approbation,  in  every  stage  and  article  of  the  business ; 
and  I  presume  it  will  be  found,  at  least  so  far  as  depended  on 
me,  to  merit  that  of  the  United  States.  The  Board  of 
Treasury  have  been  pleased  in  their  report  to  treat  me  as  a 
mere  agent,  though  employed  in  that  delicate  national  con 
cern.  In  France  I  was  received  and  treated  by  the  king  and 
his  ministers  as  a  general  officer  and  a  special  minister  from 


198  JONES'S  CLAIMS. 

Congress.  The  credit  with  which  I  am  honoured  as  an 
officer,  in  the  opinion  of  Europe,  and  the  personal  intimacy  I 
have  with  many  great  characters  at  Paris,  with  my  exclusive 
knowledge  of  all  circumstances  relative  to  the  business,  en 
sured  me  a  success  which  no  other  man  could  have  obtained. 
My  situation  subjected  me  to  a  considerable  expense.  I  went 
to  court  much  oftener,  and  mixed  with  the  great  much  more 
frequently,  than  our  minister  plenipotentiary,  yet  the  gentlemen 
in  that  situation  consider  their  salary  of  two  thousand  a  year 
as  scarcely  adequate  to  their  expenses."  But  the  reader  is 
already  so  familiar  with  the  services  of  the  commodore  to 
the  public  cause  of  America,  that  we  spare  them  the  repeti 
tion  which  follows,  and  pass  to  the  issue  of  this  altercation, 
which  was  a  resolution  of  Congress,  passed  a  few  days  after 
wards,  declaring  his  distribution  of  the  quotas  valid,  and 
allowing  him  the  sum  claimed  as  expended  by  him  on  this 
service.  This  was  47,972  livres,  instead  of  the  usual  com 
mission  on  sums  recovered,  which  \vould  not  nearly  have 
defrayed  his  expenses. 

To  complete  his  triumph  over  the  Board  of  Treasury, 
Congress,  in  a  few  days  afterwards,  unanimously  resolved 
"  that  a  gold  medal  should  be  struck,  and  presented  to  Cheva 
lier  J.  Paul  Jones,  in  commemoration  of  the  valour  and  bril 
liant  services  of  that  officer  while  in  command  of  a  squadron 
of  French  and  American  ships,  under  the  flag  and  commis 
sion  of  the  States  of  America."  It  was  farther  resolved  that 
a  letter  should  be  written  to  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  ;  and 
accordingly,  furnished  with  the  following  letter,  Jones  left 
the  shores  of  America,  which  he  was  destined  never  again  to 
revisit : 

"  To  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  Louis,  King  of  France  and  Navarre. 
"  GREAT  AND  BELOVED  FRIEND  ! 

"  We,  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  in  con 
sideration  of  the  distinguished  marks  of  approbation  with 
which  your  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  honour  the  Chevalier 


LETTER  OF  CONGRESS.  199 

John  Paul  Jones,  as  well  as  from  a  sense  of  his  merit,  have 
unanimously  directed  a  medal  of  gold  to  be  struck  and  pre 
sented  to  him,  in  commemoration  of  his  valour  and  brilliant 
services  while  commanding  a  squadron  of  French  and  Ameri 
can  ships,  under  our  flag  and  commission,  off  the  coast  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  late  war. 

"  As  it  is  his  earnest  desire  to  acquire  knowledge  in  his  pro 
fession,  we  cannot  forbear  requesting  of  your  Majesty  to  per 
mit  him  to  embark  in  your  fleets  of  evolution,  where  only  it 
will  be  probably  in  his  power  to  acquire  that  degree  of 
knowledge  which  may  hereafter  render  him  most  extensively 
useful. 

"  Permit  us  to  repeat  to  your  Majesty,  our  sincere  assur 
ances,  that  the  various  and  important  benefits  for  which  we 
are  indebted  to  your  friendship  will  never  cease  to  interest  us 
in  whatever  may  concern  the  happiness   of  your   Majesty, 
your  family,  and  people.     We  pray  God   to  keep  you,  our 
great  and  beloved  friend,  under  his  holy  protection. 
"  Done  at  the  city  of  New  York,  the   16th  day  of  October, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1787,  and  of  our  Sovereignty 
and  Independence  the  12th." 

It  is  not  probable,  though  just  possible,  that,  before  this  last 
departure  for  Europe,  Jones  was  aware,  that,  in  conversation 
with  M.  de  Simolin,  the  Russian  ambassador  at  Paris,  Mr. 
Jefferson  had  proposed  him  to  serve  Russia  in  the  Black  Sea. 
This  conversation  arose  in  consequence  of  the  disasters  wh  ch 
had  befallen  her  Imperial  Majesty's  fleet  in  a  tempest  in  the 
month  of  September  of  that  year.  During  the  late  negotia 
tions  about  the  prize-money,  Jones  had  come  in  close  contact 
with  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  immediately  succeeded  to  Franklin 
as  ambassador,  and  had  gained  his  friendship  and  esteem. 
Though  he  might  not  be  aware  thus  early  of  this  private 
treaty  concerning  him,  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  that,  with 
all  the  indifference  and  coquettish  reluctance  he  afterwards 


200 


JONES  IN  LONDON. 


Thomas  Jefferson. 


thought  fit  to  affect,  he  was  from  the  first  moment  dazzled 
and  infatuated  by  the  prospects  which  thus  opened  so  unex 
pectedly  upon  him  in  a  new  career  of  glory  and  distinction. 
He  landed  at  Dover  from  stress  of  weather,  and,  after  spend 
ing  a  few  days  in  London,  and  making  certain  arrangements 
with  the  American  ambassador  there,  respecting  the  Danish 
claims,  went  to  Paris,  and  was  there  at  least  informed  by  Mr. 


JONES  IN  COPENHAGEN.  201 

Jefferson  of  the  high  destinies  which  probably  awaited  him 
in  Russia.  He  accordingly  deferred  delivering  the  letter 
which  he  bore  from  Congress  to  his  most  Christian  Majesty, 
till  a  more  convenient  season,  and  set  out  for  Copenhagen  in 
mid-winter,  ostensibly  only  to  solicit  indemnification  for  the 
prizes  so  long  before  delivered  up  to  the  English  minister,  but 
in  reality  to  draw  a  step  nearer  to  St.  Petersburgh.  There  is 
no  evidence  that  the  court  of  Russia  had  ever  thought  of  John 
Paul  Jones  as  a  naval  commander  till  M.  de  Simolin  had 
written  home,  "  that  with  the  chief  command  of  the  fleet,  and 
carte  blanche,  he  would  undertake  that  in  a  year  Paul  Jones 
would  make  Constantinople  tremble." 

Jones  was  furnished  with  letters  to  the  French  ambassador 
at  Copenhagen,  and  other  influential  persons,  and  gives  this 
account  of  his  reception  in  that  capital : — 

"  I  have  been  so  much  indisposed  since  my  arrival  here  the 
4th,  from  the  fatigue  and  excessive  cold  I  suffered  on  the  road, 
that  I  have  been  obliged  to  confine  myself  almost  constantly 
to  my  chamber.  I  have  kept  my  bed  for  several  days ;  but  I 
now  feel  myself  better,  and  hope  the  danger  is  over.  On  my 
arrival  I  paid  my  respects  to  the  minister  of  France.  He 
received  me  with  great  kindness ;  we  went,  five  days  ago,  to 
the  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  I  was  much  flattered  with  my 
reception,  and  our  conversation  was  long  and  very  particular 
respecting  America  and  the  new  constitution,  of  which  I  pre 
sented  a  copy.  He  observed,  that  it  had  struck  him  as  a  very 
dangerous  power  to  make  the  president  commander-in-chief : 
in  other  respects  it  appeared  to  please  him  much,  as  leading 
to  a  near  and  sure  treaty  of  commerce  between  America  and 
Denmark.  It  was  a  day  of  public  business,  and  I  could  not 
do  more  than  present  your  letter.  I  shall  follow  the  business 
closely.  In  a  few  days,  when  I  am  re-established  in  health, 
I  am  to  be  presented  to  the  whole  court,  and  to  sup  with  the 
King.  I  shall  after  that  be  presented  to  all  the  corps  diplo 
matique  and  other  persons  of  distinction  here.  I  am  infinitely 


202  JONES  IN  COPENHAGEN. 

indebted  to  the  attentions  I  receive  from  the  minister  of  France. 
I  made  the  inquiry  you  desired  in  Holland,  and  should  then 
have  written  to  you  in  consequence,  had  I  not  been  assured, 
by  authority,  (M  Van  Stophorst,)  that  I  could  not  doubt  that 
letters  had  been  sent  you  on  the  subject,  that  could  not  fail  of 
giving  you  satisfacton.  M.  Van  Stophorst  was  very  obliging. 
At  Hamburgh  I  ordered  the  smoked  beef  you  desired  to  be 
sent  to  you,  to  the  care  of  the  American  agent  at  Havre  de 
Grace ;  you  have  nothing  to  do  but  receive  it,  paying  what 
little  charges  may  be  on  it.  My  ill  health  and  fatigue  on  the 
road  hindered  me  from  preparing  the  extract  of  the  engage 
ment.  When  you  see  M.  Littlepage,  I  pray  you  to  present 
my  kind  compliments.  It  is  said  here,  that  the  Empress  con 
fides  the  commerce  of  her  fleet,  that  will  pass  the  Sound,  to 
Admiral  Greig ;  and  that  he  means  to  call  at  an  English  port 
to  take  provisions,  &c.  The  Hamburgh  papers,  I  am  told, 
have  announced  the  death  of  Dr.  Franklin.  I  shall  be  ex 
tremely  concerned  if  the  account  prove  true — God  forbid  !" 

A  subsequent  letter  states, — 

"  Yesterday  his  excellency  the  Baron  de  la  Houge,  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  France  at  this  court,  did  me  the  honour  to 
present  me  publicly  to  his  Majesty,  the  Royal  Family,  and 
chief  personages  at  the  royal  palace  here. 

"  1  had  a  very  polite  and  distinguished  reception.  The 
Queen  Dowager  conversed  with  me  for  some  time,  and  said 
the  most  civil  things.  Her  majesty  has  a  dignity  of  person 
and  deportment  which  becomes  her  well,  and  which  she  has 
the  secret  to  reconcile  with  great  affability  and  ease.  The 
Princess  Royal  is  a  charming  person,  and  the  graces  are  so 
much  her  own,  that  it  is  impossible  to  see  and  converse  with 
her  without  paying  her  that  homage  which  artless  beauty 
and  good  nature  will  ever  command.  All  the  Royal  Family 
spoke  to  me  except  the  King,  who  speaks  to  no  person  when 
presented.  His  Majesty  saluted  me  with  great  complaisance 
at  first,  and  as  often  afterwards  as  we  met  in  the  course  of 


LETTER  TO  COUNT  BERNSTORF.          203 

the  evening.  The  Prince  Royal  is  greatly  beloved  and  ex 
tremely  affable  ;  he  asked  me  a  number  of  pertinent  questions 
respecting  America.  I  had  the  honour  to  be  invited  to  sup 
with  his  Majesty  and  the  Royal  Family.  The  company  at 
table  (consisting  of  seventy  ladies  and  gentlemen,  including 
the  Royal  Family,  the  ministers  of  state,  and  foreign  ambas 
sadors)  was  very  brilliant." 

But  this  flattering  reception,  and  abundance  of  diplomatic 
courtesy,  did  riot  long  satisfy  the  negotiator,  who  was  more 
over  engaged  in  another  game  with  Baron  Krudner,  the 
Russian  Envoy  at  this  court,  which  interested  him  far  more 
deeply.  He  was,  in  short,  impatient  to  reach  the  goal  of  his 
new-sprung  hopes,  St.  Petersburgh,  and  accordingly  addressed 
Count  Bernstorf  in  his  best  style  of  diplomacy  : — 

Captain  Paul  Jones  to  Count  Bernstorf. 

"  COPENHAGEN,  24th  March,  1788. 

"  From  the  act  of  Congress,  (the  act  by  which  I  am  honoured 
with  a  gold  medal,)  I  had  the  honour  to  show  your  Excellency 
the  21st  of  this  month,  as  well  as  from  the  conversation  that  fol 
lowed,  you  must  be  convinced  that  circumstances  do  not  permit 
me  to  remain  here  ;  but  that  I  am  under  the  necessity,  either  to 
return  to  France  or  to  proceed  to  Russia. — As  the  minister 
of  the  United  States  of  America  at  Paris  gave  me  the  perusal 
of  the  packet  he  wrote  by  me,  and  which  I  had  the  honour 
to  present  to  you  on  my  arrival  here,  it  is  needlees  to  go  into 
any  detail  on  the  object  of  my  mission  to  this  court ;  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  has  particularly  explained.  The  promise  you 
have  given  me,  of  a  prompt  and  explicit  decision,  from  this 
Court,  on  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  25th  of  October  last,  in 
spires  me  with  full  confidence.  I  have  been  very  particular 
in  communicating  to  the  United  States  all  the  polite  attentions 
with  which  I  have  been  honoured  at  this  Court ;  and  they  will 
learn  with  great  pleasure  the  kind  reception  I  had  from  you. 
I  felicitated  myself  on  being  the  instrument  to  settle  the  deli- 


204  CORRESPONDENCE 

cate  national  business  in  question,  with  a  minister  who  con 
ciliates  the  views  of  the  wise  statesman  with  the  noble  senti 
ments  and  cultivated  mind  of  the  true  philosopher  and  man  of 
letters." 

Paul  Jones  to  Count  Bernslorf. 

"COPENHAGEN,  Ma-rch  30,  1768. 

"  Your  silence  on  the  subject  of  my  mission  from  the 
United  States  to  this  court  leaves  me  in  the  most  painful 
suspense  ;  the  jnore  so,  as  I  have  made  your  Excellency  ac 
quainted  with  the  promise  I  am  under  to  proceed  as  soon  as 
possible  to  St.  Petersburgh.  This  being  the  ninth  year  since 
the  three  prizes  reclaimed  by  the  United  States  were  seized 
upon  in  the  port  of  Bergen,  in  Norway,  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  this  court  has  long  since  taken  an  ultimate  resolution 
respecting  the  compensation  demand  made  by  Congress. 
Though  I  am  extremely  sensible  of  the  favourable  reception 
with  which  I  have  been  distinguished  at  this  court,  and  am 
particularly  flattered  by  the  polite  attentions  with  which  you 
have  honoured  me  at  every  conference  ;  yet  I  have  remarked, 
with  great  concern,  that  you  have  never  led  the  conversation 
to  the  object  of  my  mission  here.  A  man  of  your  liberal 
sentiments  will  not,  therefore,  be  surprised,  or  offended  at  my 
plain  dealing,  when  I  repeat  that  I  impatiently  expect  a 
prompt  and  categorical  answer,  in  writing,  from  this  Court, 
to  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  25th  of  October  last.  Both  my 
duty  and  the  circumstances  of  my  situation  constrain  me  to 
make  this  demand  in  the  name  of  my  sovereign  the  United 
States  of  America ;  but  I  beseech  you  to  believe,  that  though 
I  am  extremely  tenacious  of  the  honour  of  the  American  flag, 
yet  my  personal  interest  in  the  decision  I  now  ask  would 
never  have  induced  me  to  present  myself  at  this  Court.  You 
are  too  just,  sir,  to  delay  my  business  here ;  which  would  put 
me  under  the  necessity  to  break  the  promise  I  have  made  to 
her  Imperial  Majesty,  conformable  to  your  advice." 


WITH  COUNT  BERNSTORF.  205 

Count  Bernstorf  to  Paul  Jones. 

"COPENHAGEN,  April  4,  1788. 
"  SIR, 

"  You  have  requested  of  me  an  answer  to  the  letter  you 
did  me  the  honour  to  remit  me  from  Mr.  Jefferson,  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America,  near  his 
most  Christian  Majesty.  I  do  it  with  so  much  more  pleasure, 
as  you  have  inspired  me  with  as  much  interest  as  confidence, 
and  this  occasion  appears  to  me  favourable  to  make  known 
the  sentiments  of  the  King,  my  master,  on  the  objects  to 
which  we  attach  so  much  importance.  Nothing  can  be 
farther  from  the  plans  and  the  wishes  of  his  majesty  than  to 
let  fall  a  negotiation  which  has  only  been  suspended  in  con 
sequence  of  circumstances  arising  from  the  necessity  of  ma 
turing  a  new  situation,  so  as  to  enlighten  himself  on  their  re 
ciprocal  interests,  and  to  avoid  the  inconvenience  of  a  pre 
cipitate  and  imperfect  arrangement.  I  am  authorized,  sir,  to 
give  you,  and  through  you  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  word  of  the 
King,  that  his  majesty  will  renew  the  negotiation  for  a  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce  in  the  forms  already  agreed  upon, 
at  the  instant  that  the  new  constitution  (that  admirable  plan, 
so  worthy  of  the  wisdom  of  the  most  enlightened  men)  will 
have  been  adopted  by  the  States,  to  which  nothing  more  was 
wanted  to  assure  to  itself  a  perfect  consideration.  If  it  has 
not  been  possible,  sir,  to  discuss,  definitively  with  you,  neither 
the  principal  object  nor  its  accessories,  the  idea  of  eluding 
the  question,  or  of  retarding  the  decision,  had  not  the  least 
part  in  it.  I  have  already  had  the  honour  to  express  to  you, 
in  our  conversations,  that  your  want  of  plenipotentiary  powers 
from  Congress  was  a  natural  and  invincible  obstacle.  It 
would  be,  likewise,  contrary  to  the  established  custom  to 
change  the  seat  of  negotiation,  which  has  not  been  broken 
off',  but  only  suspended,  thereby  to  transfer  it  from  Paris  to 
Copenhagen. 
18 


206     CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  COUNT  BERNSTORF. 

"  I  have  only  one  favour  to  ask  of  you,  sir,  that  you 
would  be  the  interpreter  of  our  sentiments  in  regard  to  the 
United  States.  It  would  be  a  source  of  gratification  to  me 
to  think  that  what  I  have  said  to  you  on  this  subject  carries 
with  it  that  conviction  of  the  truth  which  it  merits.  We  de 
sire  to  form  with  them  connexions,  solid,  useful  and  essential ; 
we  wish  to  establish  them  on  bases  natural  and  immovable. 
The  momentary  clouds,  the  incertitudes,  which  the  misfor 
tunes  of  the  times  brought  with  them,  exist  no  longer.  We 
should  no  longer  recollect  it,  but  to  feel  in  a  more  lively  man 
ner  the  happiness  of  a  more  fortunate  period;  and  to  show 
ourselves  more  eager  to  prove  the  dispositions  most  proper 
to  effect  an  union,  and  to  procure  reciprocally  the  advantages 
wrhich  a  sincere  alliance  can  afford,  and  of  which  the  two 
countries  are  susceptible.  These  are  the  sentiments  which  I 
can  promise  you,  sir,  on  our  part,  and  we  flatter  ourselves  to 
find  them  likewise  in  America  ;  nothing,  then,  can  retard  the 
conclusion  of  an  arrangement,  which  I  am  happy  to  see  so 
far  advanced." 

Paul  Jones  to  Count  Bernstorf. 

"COPENHAGEN,  April  5,  1788. 

"  I  pray  your  Excellency  to  inform  me  when  I  can  have 
the  honour  to  wait  on  you,  to  receive  the  letter  you  have 
been  kind  -enough  to  promise  to  write  me,  in  answer  to  the 
act.  of  Congress  of  the  25th  October  last.  As  you  have  told 
me  that  my  wrant  of  plenipotentiary  powers  to  terminate  ulti 
mately  the  business  now  on  the  carpet,  between  the  Court  and 
the  United  States,  has  determined  you  to  authorize  the  Baron 
de  Blome,  to  negotiate  and  settle  the  same  with  Mr.  Jefferson 
at  Paris,  and  to  conclude,  at  the  same  time,  an  advantageous 
treaty  of  commerce  between  Denmark  and  the  United  States, 
— my  business  here  will  of  course  be  at  an  end  when  I  shall 
have  received  your  letter  and  paid  you  my  thanks  in  person 
for  the  very  polite  attentions  with  which  you  have  honoured 
me." 


LETTER  OF  BARON  KRUDNER.          207 

From  Baron  Krudner,  shortly  after  his  arrival,  Jones 
received  the  following  letter,  which  of  itself  denotes  a  fore 
gone  conclusion,  -and  his  acceptance  of  the  invitation  of 
Russia : — 

(Translation.) 

"  SIR, 

"  I  am  much  disappointed  at  not  meeting  you  at  Court,  as 
I  had  promised  myself,  but  a  slight  indisposition  prevented 
me  from  going  abroad ;  besides,  I  have  been  agreeably  occu 
pied  in  writing  letters.  My  Sovereign  will  learn  with  plea 
sure  the  acquisition  which  she  has  made  in  your  great  talents. 
I  have  her  commands  for  your  acceptance  of  the  grade  of 
Captain  Commandant,  with  the  rank  of  Major  General,  in 
her  service,  and  that  you  should  proceed  as  soon  as  your 
affairs  permit ;  the  intention  of  her  Imperial  Majesty  being  to 
give  you  a  command  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  under  the  orders 
of  Prince  Potemkin,  from  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  The 
immortal  glory  by  which  you  have  illustrated  your  name 
cannot  make  you  indifferent  to  the  fresh  laurels  you  must 
gather  in  the  new  career  which  opens  to  you.  I  have  the 
honour  of  being  on  this  occasion  the  interpreter  of  those  sen 
timents  of  esteem  with  which  for  a  long  period  your  brilliant 
exploits  have  inspired  her  Imperial  Majesty.  Under  a  Sove 
reign  so  magnanimous,  in  pursuing  glory  you  need  not  doubt 
of  the  most  distinguished  rewards,  and  that  every  advantage 
of  fortune  will  await  you,"  &c.  &c. 

This  was  so  far  well,  but  did  not  entirely  come  up  to  the 
high-raised  expectations  of  Jones.  In  a  letter  to  Jefferson 
about  this  same  time,  he  says,  "  Before  you  can  receive  this, 
M.  de  Simolin  wrill  have  informed  you  that  your  proposal  to 
him,  and  his  application  on  that  idea,  have  been  well  received. 
The  matter  is  communicated  to  me  here,  in  the  most  flatter 
ing  terms,  by  a  letter  I  have  received  from  his  Excellency 
the  Baron  de  Krudner."  This  is  indeed  perfectly  contradic- 


208  LETTER  OF  BARON  KRUDNER. 

tory  of  the  statement  Jones  gives  in  the  introduction  to  his 
Journal  of  the  Campaign  of  the  Liman,  where  the  proposal 
of  M.  de  Simolin  is  represented  as  quite  spontaneous,  and 
treated  by  himself  at  first  as  chimerical ;  but  this  is  evidently 
the  correct  one.  "  There  seems,"  he  continues,  "  to  remain 
some  difficulty  respecting  the  letter  of  M.  de  Simolin's  propo 
sal,  though  it  is  accepted  in  substance ;"  he  then  expresses 
his  gratitude  to  the  Russian  Ambassador,  and  to  Mr.  Little- 
page,  who  had  contributed  so  materially  to  his  success  in 
this  affair.  In  a  subsequent  letter  to  Jefferson,  written  imme 
diately  before  leaving  Copenhagen,  after  enumerating  his 
services,  and  mentioning  what  they  might  have  been  had 
he  possessed  more  ample  diplomatic  powers,  he  introduces 
the  subject  nearest  his  heart.  Russia  had  demurred  to 
his  demand  of  the  rank  of  Rear-Admiral.  "  If  Congress,"  he 
savs,  "  should  think  I  deserve  the  promotion  that  was  pro 
posed  when  I  was  in  America,  and  should  condescend  to 
confer  on  me  the  grade  of  Rear-Admiral,  from  the  day  I 
took  the  Serapis,  (23d  September,  1779,  exactly  nine  years 
before,)  I  am  persuaded  it  would  be  very  agreeable  to  the 
Empress,  who  now  deigns  to  offer  me  an  equal  rank  in  her 
service,  although  I  never  had  the  honour  to  draw  my  sword 
in  her  cause,  nor  to  do  any  other  act  that  could  merit  her 
imperial  benevolence."  He  afterwards  continues :  "  The 
mark  I  mentioned  of  the  approbation  of  that  honourable 
body,  (Congress)  would  be  extremely  flattering  to  me  in  the 
career  I  am  now  to  pursue,  and  would  stimulate  all  my  ambi 
tion  to  acquire  the  necessary  talents  to  merit  that,  and  even 
greater  favours  at  a  future  day.  I  pray  you,  Sir,  to  explain 
the  circumstances  of  my  situation ;  and  be  the  interpreter  of 
my  sentiments  to  the  United  States  in  Congress.  I  ask  for 
nothing,  and  beg  leave  to  be  understood  only  as  having  hinted 
what  is  natural  to  conceive,  that  the  mark  of  approbation  I 
mentioned  could  not  fail  to  be  infinitely  serviceable  to  my 
views  and  success  in  the  country  where  I  am  going."  Ser- 


JONES'S  ANSWER.  o0g 

viceable  this  piece  of  idle  distinction  might  have  been  in 
smoothing  the  difficulties  thrown  in  the  way  of  his  obtaining 
the  rank  of  Rear-Admiral,  for  which  he  stipulated  on  enter 
ing  the  Russian  service,  and  which,  as  appears  from  his 
former  letter  to  Jefferson,  and  from  the  letter  of  Baron  Krud- 
ner,  given  above,  was  refused  at  the  outset.  Though  not 
disposed  to  break  off  his  engagement,  neither  was  he  willing 
to  give  up  his  claims  to  the  desired  grade  without  a  strenuous 
effort.  He  immediately  replied  to  the  Baron,  going  over  the 
whole  ground : — "  I  am  extremely  flattered,"  he  says,  "  by 
the  obliging  things  expressed  in  the  letter  your  Excellency 
has  done  me  the  honour  to  write  me  yesterday.  The  very 
favourable  sentiments  with  which  my  zeal  for  the  cause  of 
America,  rather  than  my  professional  skill,  has  inspired  her 
Imperial  Majesty,  fills  me  with  an  irresistible  desire  to  merit 
the  precious  opinion  with  which  her  Majesty  deigns  to  honour 
me.  Though  I  cannot  conceive  the  reason  why  any  diffi 
culty  should  be  made  to  my  being  admitted  into  the  marine 
of  her  Imperial  Majesty  as  Rear- Admiral,  a  rank  to  which  I 
have  some  claim,  and  that  it  should  at  the  same  time  be  pro 
posed  to  give  me  the  grade  of  Major-General,  to  which  I 
have  no  title,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  withdraw  from  the 
engagement  which  you  have  formed  in  my  name,  in  the 
letter  you  addressed  your  Court  on  the  23d  current.  You 
will  be  convinced  by  the  papers  I  have  the  honour  to  submit 
to  your  inspection,  that  I  am  not  an  adventurer  in  search  of 
fortune.  You  will  discover,  I  presume,  that  my  talents  have 
been  considerable ;  but  that,  loving  glory,  I  am  perhaps  too 
much  attached  to  honours,  though  personal  interest  is  an  idol 
to  which  I  have  never  bowed  the  knee.  The  unbounded 
admiration  and  profound  respect  which  I  have  long  felt  for 
the  glorious  character  of  her  Imperial  Majesty,  forbids  the 
idea  that  a  sovereign  so  magnanimous  should  sanction  any 
arrangement  that  may  give  pain  at  the  outset  to  the  man  she 
deigns  to  honour  with  her  notice,  and  who  wishes  to  devote 
18* 


210  JONES  AT  ST.  PETERSBURG!!, 

himself  entirely  to  her  service.  A  conjoined  command  is 
hurtful,  and  often  fatal  in  military  operations.  There  is  no 
military  man  who  is  so  entirely  master  of  his  passions  as  to 
keep  free  of  jealousy  and  its  consequences  in  such  circum 
stances.  Being  quite  a  stranger,  1  have  more  to  fear  from  a 
conjoined  command  than  any  other  officer  in  the  service  of 
her  Imperial  Majesty.  I  cannot  imagine  why  her  Majesty 
should  think  it  best  to  divide  the  command  on  the  Black  Sea ; 
and  if  the  direction  of  that  department  be  already  confided  to 
an  officer  of  sufficient  ability  and  experience,  I  do  not  seek 
to  interfere  with  his  command." 

Jones  was  already  aware  of  the  appointment  of  the  Prince 
of  Nassau,  and  even  thus  early  foresaw  many  of  the  probable 
difficulties  of  his  situation ;  but  he  had  that  confidence  in 
himself  which  gave  him  assurance  of  triumphing  over  them, 
and  proceeded,  if  not  blindfold,  yet  determined  not  to  see. 
We  leave  to  his  own  narrative  the  account  of  his  almost 
romantic  journey  from  Copenhagen  to  St.  Petersburg!*.  In 
that  capital  he  was  received  with  a  distinction  which  might 
have  turned  the  soundest  head.  His  very  manner  of  approach 
had  disposed  people  to  gaze  on  the  American  hero  as  a  won 
der  ;  his  door  was  besieged  with  carnages,  and  his  table 
loaded  with  invitations.  In  short,  he  was  now  in  Russia,  and 
the  man  whom,  for  the  time,  the  Empress  delighted  to  honour ; 
the  expected  conqueror  of  the  Turks;  and  it  might  be,  a 
future  Potemkin.* 

At  this  curiously-timed  juncture  he  received  a  patent  from 
the  King  of  Denmark,  granting  him  for  life  an  annual  pen 
sion  of  1500  Danish  crowns,  "for  the  respect  he  had  shown 
to  the  Danish  flag  while  he  commanded  in  the  North  Seas." 

*  The  cards  of  many  of  the  Russian  nobility  received  at  this  time,  and  of 
the  whole  host  of  Members  of  Legation,  Envoys,  Residents,  &c.,  in  short,  all 
the  component  parts  of  a  great  court,  still  remain  among  the  papers  of  Paul 
Jones,  who  through  life  seems  to  have  been  peculiarly  diligent  in  the  accumu 
lation  of  such  "  frail  memorials." 


PENSION  NOT  PAID.  21 1 

To  pension  the  agent  whose  claims  for  his  constituents  are 
deferred  or  evaded,  is  at  all  times  a  somewhat  suspicious 
circumstance ;  though  this  grant  being  unexpected  and  unso 
licited,  Jones  stands  clear  in  what  he  himself  justly  calls  "  an 
embarrassing  situation."  It  was  three  years  before  he  even 
mentioned  this  grant  to  his  American  friends ;  and  had  his 
affairs  prospered,  it  is  probable  he  never  would  have  looked 
after  it.  As  it  was,  when  his  large  expenditure  in  Russia 
made  it  necessary  to  draw  on  this  fund,  which  he  did  with 
the  sanction  of  certain  American  gentlemen,  whose  advice 
he  requested,  he  never  received  a  single  crown  of  the  sponta 
neous  royal  grant  thus  pressed  upon  him. 

For  a  fortnight  Jones  remained  at  St.  Petersburgh,  "  feasted 
at  court,  and  in  the  first  society."  "  The  Empress,"  he 
writes  to  La  Fayette,  "  received  me  with  a  distinction  the 
most  flattering  that  perhaps  any  stranger  can  boast  of  on  en 
tering  the  Russian  service.  Her  Majesty  conferred  on  me, 
immediately,  the  grade  of  Rear- Admiral.  I  was  detained, 
against  my  will,  a  fortnight,  and  continually  feasted  at  Court, 
and  in  the  first  society.  This  was  a  cruel  grief  to  the  Eng 
lish  ;  and  I  own  their  vexation,  which  I  believe  was  general, 
in  and  about  St.  Petersburgh,  gave  me  pain."  Before  the 
year  elapsed,  the  Rear- Admiral  found  some  cause  to  change 
his  opinions  in  many  things ;  and  even  respecting  the  English 
at  St.  Petersburgh.  He  was  about  this  time  at  least  three- 
fourths  Russian.  We  hear  no  longer  of  America  as  his  sole 
country,  though  he  assumes  a  certain  patronizing  air  towards 
that  young  State.  "  I  certainly  wish  to  be  useful  to  a  country 
which  I  have  so  long  served.  I  love  the  people  and  their 
cause,  and  shall  always  rejoice  when  I  can  be  useful  to  pre.- 
mote  their  happiness."  "  What  are  you  about,  my  dear 
General  ?  are  you  so  absorbed  in  politics  as  to  be  insensible 
to  glory  1  that  is  impossible, — quit  then  your  divine  Calypso, 
come  here  and  pay  your  court  to  Bellona,  who  you  are  sure 
will  receive  you  as  her  favourite.  You  would  be  charmed 


212  LETTER  FROM  THE  EMPRESS. 

with  Prince  Potemkin.  He  is  a  most  amiable  man,  and  none 
can  be  more  noble-minded.  For  the  Empress,  fame  has 
never  yet  done  her  justice.  1  am  sure  that  no  stranger  who 
has  not  known  that  illustrious  character,  ever  conceived  how 
much  her  Majesty  is  made  to  reign  over  a  great  empire,  to 
make  people  happy,  and  to  attach  grateful  and  susceptible 
minds.  Is  not  the  present  a  happy  moment  for  France  to 
declare  for  Russia  ?"  Such  were  the  extraordinary  lights  that 
had  suddenly  dawned  upon  the  former  champion  of  liberty 
and  asserter  of  the  "  dignity  of  human  nature." 

A  few  weeks  before  the  above  letter  was  despatched  to  La 
Fayette,  the  Empress,  with  her  own  hand,  had  written  to  the 
Rear-Admiral,  enclosing  a  letter  from  M.  de  Simolin,  regard 
ing  his  affairs.  Though  disappointed  of  sole  command,  as 
will  appear  in  the  subjoined  narrative,  he  still  continued  to  be 
dazzled  with  his  prospects.  The  letter  of  her  Imperial 
Majesty,  who  spared  no  pains  in  carrying  a  favourite  point, 
as  well  as  its  enclosure,  deserves  to  be  preserved : — 

From  the  Empress  Catherine  to  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones. 

"  SIR, — A  courier  from  Paris  has  just  brought  from  my 
Envoy  in  France,  M.  de  Simolin,  the  enclosed  letter  to  Count 
Besborodko.  As  I  believe  that  this  letter  may  help  to  con 
firm  to  you  what  I  have  already  told  you  verbally,  I  have 
sent  it,  and  beg  you  to  return  it,  as  I  have  not  even  made  a 
copy  be  taken,  so  anxious  am  I  that  you  should  see  it.  I 
hope  that  it  will  efface  all  doubts  from  your  mind,  and  prove 
to  you  that  you  are  to  be  connected  only  with  those  who  are 
most  favourably  disposed  towards  you.  I  have  no  doubt  but 
that  on  your  side  you  will  fully  justify  the  opinion  which  we 
have  formed  of  you,  and  apply  yourself  with  zeal  to  support 
the  reputation  and  the  name  you  have  acquired  for  valour 
and  skill  on  the  element  in  which  you  are  to  serve. 
Adieu, 

I  wish  you  happiness  and  health, 
CATHERINE." 


LETTER  OF  M.  DE  SIMOLIN. 


213 


Extract   of  the   Letter  from  M.  de  Simolin  to  Count  de  fiesborpdko,  enclosed 
in  the  above. 

"  The  letter  with  which  your  Excellency  favoured  me  on 
the  16th  February,  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Poliranoff.  By  it  I 
was  informed  of  the  resolution  of  her  Imperial  Majesty,  on 
the  subject  of  the  engagement  with  the  Chevalier  Paul  Jones; 
and  the  same  day  Lieutenant-Colonel  de  Baner,  who  was 
despatched  from  St.  Elizabeth,  by  Prince  Potemkin  on  the 
9th  March,  brought  me  two  letters,  the  subject  of  one  of 
which  was  the  said  Chevalier  Jones,  whom  he  requested  me 
to  induce  to  repair  to  his  head-quarters  as  quickly  as  possible, 
that  he  might  employ  his  talents  at  the  opening  of  the  cam 
paign  ;  and  assure  him  that  in  entering  the  service,  he,  (Potem 
kin,)  would  do  all  that  depended  on  him  to  make  his  situation 
pleasant  and  advantageous,  and  certainly  procure  for  him 
occasions  in  which  he  might  display  his  skill  and  valour." 
"  Has  he  kept  his  word  ?"  says  Jones  in  a  note  long  after 
wards  affixed  to  this  letter,  which  at  the  moment  must  have 
given  him  so  much  pleasure. 

Such  were  the  flattering  auspices  under  which  Paul  Jones 
entered  the  service  of  Russia.  From  this  point  his  history 
will  be  continued  for  some  time  by  the  most  interesting  por 
tion  of  his  remaining  papers — his  Journal  of  the  Campaign 
of  the  Liman. 


214  LETTER  TO  JEFFERSON. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

"Tx -HIS  narrative  is  now  arrived  at  a 
YJ  period  in  which  it  can  be  for  some 
|| }  time  continued  in  the  most  desira 
ble  way,  namely,  by  the  Journal 
V  of  the  Rear- Admiral,  kept  by  him- 
'"jyself  on  the  scene  of  action  during 
is  memorable  campaign  against 
^  the  Turks,  afterwards  extended  at 
|p  Si.  Petersburgh  and  Warsaw,  and 
^prepared  for  publication  at  Paris. 
Had  he  acted  with  his  usual  promptitude  and  decision  in 
openly  withdrawing  from  the  service  which  had  been  to 
him  one  of  misery  and  bondage,  in  which  all  the  better 
qualities  and  higher  energies  of  his  mind  were  converted 
into  the  means  of  self-torture,  he  would  unquestionably  have 
published  this  Journal  himself,  if  not  in  France,  either  in 
England  or  America.  He  long  contemplated  the  necessity 
of  both  these  steps,  and  all  along  felt  that  his  leave  of  absence 
for  two  years  was  in  fact  a  virtual  dismission ;  but,  by  the 
strange  fatality,  which  often  appears  to  enchain  a.  man's  will 
in  spite  of  the  suggestions  of  his  reason,  he  lingered  on  till 
death  closed  the  scene. 

In  a  letter  written  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  twenty  months  after  he 
had  been  exiled  from  Russia,  and  when  his  last  remaining 
hopes  in  life  began  to  turn  to  America,  his  first  country,  he  says, 
"  As  it  has  been  and  still  is  my  first  wish,  and  my  highest 
ambition,  to  show  myself  worthy  of  the  flattering  marks  of 
esteem  with  which  I  have  been  honoured  by  my  country,  I 
think  it  my  duty  to  lay  before  you,  both  as  my  particular 


LETTER  TO  JEFFERSON.  215 

friend  and  as  a  public  minister,  the  papers  I  now  enclose 
relative  to  my  connexion  with  Russia,  viz.,  three  pieces  dated 
St.  Petersburgh,  and  signed  by  the  Count  de  Segur ;  a  letter 
from  me  dated  at  Paris  last  summer,  and  sent  to  the  Prince 
de  Potemkin ;  and  a  letter  from  me  to  the  Empress,  dated  a 
few  days  afterwards,  enclosing  eleven  pieces  as  numbered  in 
the  margin.  I  have  selected  those  testimonies  from  a  great 
variety  of  perhaps  still  stronger  proofs  in  my  hands ;  but, 
though  the  Baron  de  Grimm*  has  undertaken  to  transmit  to 
her  Imperial  Majesty's  own  hands  my  last  packet,  I  shall  not 
be  surprised  if  I  should  find  myself  obliged  to  withdraw  from 
the  service  of  Russia,  and  to  publish  my  Journal  of  the  Cam 
paign  (in  which)  I  commanded.  In  that  case  I  hope  to  prove 
to  the  world  that  my  operations  not  only  saved  Cherson  and 
the  Crimea,  but  decided  the  fate  of  the  war." 

The  Journal  is  written  in  disjointed  portions,  and  in  a  spirit 
of  alternate  bitterness  and  boasting,  \vhich  the  indulgent 
reader  must  attribute  to  the  personal  feelings  from  which  the 
\vork  arose.  The  injustice,  mortification,  and  persecution 
endured  by  the  man  and  the  officer  must  plead  the  apology 
of  the  author. 

To  the  historian  this  Journal  is  of  considerable  value.  It 
places  in  an  entirely  new  aspect  one  of  the  most  memorable 
of  the  campaigns  between  Russia  and  the  Porte;  and  affords 
a  clue,  were  that  any  longer  needed,  to  the  crooked  and 
debasing  spirit  of  intrigue  by  which  the  domestic  policy  of 
Russia  was  conducted,  even  under  the  auspices  of  the  great 
Catherine. 

*  Baron  Grimm  was  a  sort  of  man-of-all-work  for  the  Empress  Catherine 
II.,  whose  business  was  to  despatch,  as  frequently  as  possible,  all  the  scandal, 
literary  gossip,  and  political  intelligence,  his  peculiar  industry  could  pick  up 
in  Paris,  for  the  information  or  amusement  of  the  Empress  and  her  Court. 
The  German  had  too  much  tact  to  be  the  means  of  transmitting  anything 
disagreeable. 


216  INTRODUCTION  TO  JOURNAL. 

"  Introduction  to  the  Journal  of  Rear- Admiral  Paul  Jones's  Campaign  in  the 
Liman  in  1788. 

"  The  United  States  of  America  having  charged  me  with 
a  mission  of  a  political  nature  to  the  Court  of  Denmark,  and 
having  at  the  same  time  given  me  a  letter  to  deliver  person 
ally  to  his  Most  Christian  Majesty,  Louis  XVI.,  I  embarked 
at  New  York  on  the  llth  November,  1787,  in  an  American 
vessel  bound  for  Holland,  the  captain  of  which  agreed  to  land 
me  in  France. 

"  After  a  voyage  of  a  month,  I  landed  at  Dover,  in  Eng 
land,  not  being  able  to  get  ashore  in  France.  From  Dover  I 
went  to  London,  where  I  saw  the  minister  of  the  United 
States.  I  passed  some  days  with  my  friends  there,  and  went 
to  Covent  Garden  Theatre.  I  afterwards  set  out  for  Paris, 
where  I  arrived  on  the  20th  December. 

"  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  Ambassador  of  the  United  States, 
visited  me  on  the  night  of  my  arrival,  and  informed  me  that 
M.  de  Simolin,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  her  Imperial 
Majesty  of  all  the  Russias,  had  often  spoken  of  me  while  I 
was  in  America,  and  appeared  anxious  that  I  should  agree  to 
go  to  Russia,  to  command  the  fleet  against  the  Turks  in  the 
Black  Sea.  I  regarded  this  proposal  as  a  castle  in  the  air; 
and  as  I  did  not  wish  to  be  employed  in  foreign  service,  I 
avoided  meeting  M.  de  Simolin,  for  whose  character  I  had, 
at  the  same  time,  the  highest  respect. 

"  As  the  letter,  of  which  I  was  the  bearer  to  the  King  of 
France,  concerned  myself  alone,  my  friends  advised  me  not  to 
seek  an  interview  with  his  Majesty,  till  after  my  return  from 
Denmark.  In  that  letter  the  United  States  requested  his 
Majesty  to  permit  me  to  embark  in  his  fleet  of  evolution,  to 
complete  my  knowledge  of  naval  tactics,  and  of  military  and 
maritime  operations  upon  the  great  scale. 

"  Speaking  to  a  man  of  very  high  rank  at  Paris,  I  informed 
him  of  the  proposal  communicated  to  me  by  Mr.  Jeflerson. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  JOURNAL.  217 

He  replied,  that  '  he  would  advise  me  to  go  to  Constantinople 
at  once  rather  than  enter  the  service  of  Russia.'* 

"  On  the  1st  of  February,  1788,  at  the  moment  of  my  de 
parture  from  Paris,  I  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Littlepage, 
chamberlain  to  the  King  of  Poland,  earnestly  requesting  me 
to  breakfast  with  him  next  morning,  as  he  had  matters  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  communicate  to  me.  I  went  to  him 
that  same  night,  and  ,he  told  me  that  M.  de  Simolin  had  the 
greatest  desire  to  converse  with  me  before  my  departure,  and 
that  he  expected  him  to  breakfast  with  us  next  day. 

"  M.  de  Simolin  said  the  most  polite  and  obliging  things  to 
me, — that,  having  known  me  well  by  reputation  whilst  he 
was  ambassador  in  England,  and  .since  he  had  come  to 
France,  he  had  already  proposed  me  to  his  Sovereign  as 
commander  of  the  fleet  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  that  he  ex 
pected  her  Imperial  Majesty  would  make  me  proposals  in 
consequence.  I  could  not  yet  look  upon  the  affair  very 
seriously ;  but  I  was  much  flattered  with  the  opinion  of  M. 
de  Simolin,  to  whom  I  expressed  my  gratitude.  When  he 
had  left  the  house,  Mr.  Littlepage  assured  me  that  he  had 
written  to  his  Court,  that  *  if  her  Imperial  Majesty  confided 
to  me  the  chief  command  of  her  fleet  on  the  Black  Sea,  with 
carte  blanche,  he  would  answer  for  it  that  in  less  than  a  year 
I  should  make  Constantinople  tremble." 

"  In  Denmark  I  put  in  train  a  treaty  between  that  power 
and  the  United  States  ;  but  this  arrangement  was  interrupted 

*  Whether  from  a  magnanimous  sense  of  justice,  or  dislike  to  his  asso 
ciates  and  rivals,  or,  as  is  probable,  a  mixture  of  these  motives,  Paul  Jones,  in 
the  course  of  the  campaign,  became  somewhat  Turkish,  and  a  warm  admirer 
of  the  Capitan  Pacha.  In  the  Journal  he  does  the  Turks  ample  justice  ;  and 
in  a  letter  to  Baron  de  la  Houze,  the  minister  of  France  at  Copenhagen,  we 
find  him  saying, — "  I  have  much  to  tell  you  respecting  the  '  moustaches  of  the 
Capitan  Pacha,' "  of  which  the  Baron  had  probably  jocularly  desired  Paul 
Jones  to  send  him  a  good  account ;  "  he  is  a  very  brave  man,  and  the  public 
have  been  much  deceived  as  to  our  affairs  with  him." 

19 


218  VOYAGE  IN  THE  BALTIC. 

by  the  arrival  of  a  courier  from  St.  Pctersburgh,  despatched 
express  by  the  Empress,  to  invite  me  to  repair  to  her  Court. 

"  Though  I  foresaw  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  my  en 
tering  the  service  of  Russia,  I  believed  that  I  could  not  avoid 
going  to  St.  Petersburgh,  to  thank  the  Empress  for  the 
favourable  opinion  she  had  conceived  of  me.  I  transferred 
the  treaty  going  forward  at  Copenhagen  to  Paris,  to  be  con 
cluded  there,  and  set  out  for  St.  Petersburgh  by  Sweden. 
At  Stockholm  I  staid  but  one  night,  to  see  Count  Rasaumor- 
sky.  Want  of  time  prevented  me  from  appearing  at  Court. 

"  At  Gresholm  I  was  stopped  by  the  ice,  which  prevented 
me  from  crossing  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia,  and  even  from  ap 
proaching  the  first  of  the  isles  in  the  passage.  After  having 
made  several  unsuccessful  efforts  to  get  to  Finland  by  the 
isles,  I  imagined  that  it  might  be  practicable  to  effect  my  ob 
ject  by  doubling  the  ice  to  the  southward,  and  entering  the 
Baltic  Sea. 

"  This  enterprise  was  very  daring,  and  had  never  before 
been  attempted.  But  by  the  north  the  roads  were  impractica 
ble,  and,  knowing  that  the  Empress  expected  me  from  day  to 
day,  I  could  not  think  of  going  back  by  Elsineur. 

"  I  left  Gresholm  early  one  morning,  in  an  undecked  pas 
sage-boat,  about  thirty  feet  in  length.  I  made  another  boat  fol 
low,  of  half  that  size.  This  last  was  for  dragging  over  the 
ice,  and  for  passing  from  one  piece  of  ice  to  another,  to  gain 
the  coast  of  Finland.  I  durst  not  make  my  project  known 
to  the  boatmen,  which  would  have  been  the  sure  means  of 
defeating  it.  After  endeavouring,  as  before,  to  gain  the  first 
isle,  I  made  them  steer  for  the  south,  and  we  kept  along  the 
coast  of  Sweden  all  the  day,  finding  difficulty  enough  to  pass 
between  the  ice  and  the  shore.  Towards  night,  being  almost 
opposite  Stockholm,  pistol  in  hand  I  forced  the  boatmen  to 
enter  the  Baltic  sea,  and  steer  for  the  coast.  We  ran  near  the 
coast  of  Finland.  All  night  the  wind  was  fair,  and  we  hoped 
to  land  next  day.  This  we  found  impossible.  The  ice  did 


ARRIVAL  AT  ST.  PETERSBURG!!.  2l<) 

not  permit  us  to  approach  the  shore,  which  we  only  saw  from 
a  distance.  It  was  impossible  to  regain  the  Swedish  side,  the 
wind  being  high  and  directly  contrary.  I  had  nothing  left  for 
it  but  to  stand  for  the  Gulf  of  Finland.  There  was  a  small 
compass  in  the  boat,  and  I  fixed  the  lamp  of  my  travelling 
carriage  so  as  to  throw  a  light  on  it. 


Crossing  the  Baltic. 

"  On  the  same  night  we  lost  the  small  boat ;  but  the  men 
saved  themselves  in  the  large  one,  which  with  difficulty  e-s- 
caped  the  same  fate.  At  the  end  of  four  days  we  landed  at 
Revel,  where  our  enterprise  was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  mira 
cle.  Having  satisfied  the  boatmen  for  their  services  and  their 
loss,  I  gave  them  a  good  pilot,  with  the  provisions  necessary 
for  making  their  homeward  voyage,  when  the  weather  should 
become  more  favourable. 

';  I  arrived  at  St.  Petersburgh  in  the  evening  on  the  23d  of 
April,  old  style,  and  on  the  25th  had  my  first  audience  of  the 
Empress.  Her  Majesty  gave  me  so  flattering  a  reception, 
and  up  to  the  period  of  my  departure  treated  me  with  so  much 


220  APPOINTED  ADMIRAL. 

distinction,  that  I  was  overcome  by  her  courtesies  (je  me 
laissai  seduire,)  and  put  myself  into  her  hands  without  making 
any  stipulation  for  my  personal  advantage.  I  demanded  but 
one  favour,  '  that  I  should  never  be  condemned  unheard.' 

"  On  the  7th  May  I  set  out  from  the  Imperial  Palace,  carry 
ing  with  me  a  letter  from  her  Majesty  to  his  Highness  the 
Prince-Marshal  Potemkin  at  St.  Elizabeth,  where  I  arrived  on 
the  19th.  The  Prince-Marshal  received  me  with  much  kind 
ness,  and  destined  me  the  command  of  the  fleet  of  Serastapole 
against  the  Capitan  Pacha,  who,  he  supposed,  intended  to  make 
a  descent  in  the  Crimea.  His  Highness  was  mistaken  in  this, 
and  the  next  day  he  received  information  that  the  Capitan 
Pacha  was  at  anchor  within  Kinbourn,  having  come  to  suc 
cour  Oczakow  with  a  hundred  and  twenty  armed  vessels  and 
other  armed  craft. 

"  The  Prince-Marshal  then  requested  me  to  assume  com 
mand  of  the  naval  force  stationed  in  the  Liman,  (which  is  at 
the  embouchure  of  the  Dnieper,)  to  act  against  the  Capitan 
Pacha  till  Oczakow  should  fall.  I  considered  this  change  of 
destination  as  a  flattering  mark  of  confidence ;  and  having 
received  my  orders,  I  set  out  on  the  same  day  for  Cherson,  in 
company  with  the  Chevalier  de  Ribas,  Brigadier  du  Jour  of 
the  Prince-Marshal.  He  was  ordered  to  make  all  the  arrange 
ments  necessary  to  place  me  in  command.  At  parting,  the 
Prince-Marshal  promised  me  to  bring  forward  his  troops 
without  loss  of  time,  to  co-operate  with  the  maritime  force  he 
had  intrusted  to  my  command ;  and  on  the  journey  M.  de 
Ribas  told  me,  *  that  all  the  force  of  the  Liman,  comprehending 
that  of  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  would  be  under  my  orders.' 

"  I  spent  but  one  evening  and  night  at  Cherson.  But  even 
this  short  period  was  enough  to  show  that  I  had  entered  on  a 
delicate  and  disagreeable  service.  Rear- Admiral  MordwinofF, 
chief  of  the  Admiralty,  did  not  affect  to  disguise  his  displeasure 
at  my  arrival ;  and  though  he  had  orders  from  the  Prince- 
Marshal  to  communicate  to  me  all  the  details  concerning  the 


CHARACTER  OF  ALEXIANO.  221 

force  in  the  Liman,  and  to  put  me  in  possession  of  the  flng 
belonging  to  my  rank  as  Rear- Admiral,  he  spared  himself  the 
trouble  of  compliance. 


Going  on  board  the  Woktdirncr. 


"  We  set  out  early  next  morning  for  Glouboca,  the  arma 
ment  of  the  Liman  being  at  anchor  very  near  that  place,  in 
the  roads  of  Schiroque,  between  the  bar  of  the  Dnieper  and 
the  embouchure  of  the  river  Bog.  We  went  on  board  the 
Wolodimer  before  mid-day,  where  we  found  that  Brigadier 
Alexiano  had  assembled  all  the  commanders,  to  draw  them 
into  a  cabal  against  my  authority.  I  may  mention  here,  that 
this  man  was  a  Greek,  as  ignorant  of  seamanship  as  of  mili 
tary  affairs,  who,  under  an  exterior  and  manners  the  most 
gross,  concealed  infinite  cunning,  and,  by  affected  plainness 
and  hardihood  of  discourse,  had  the  address  to  pass  for  a 
blunt  honest  man.  Though  a  subject  of  Turkey,  it  was  al 
leged  that  he  made  war  with  the  Mussulmans  by  attacking 
their  commerce  in  the  Archipelago  on  his  own  authority,  and 
19* 


222  JONES  HOISTS  HIS  FLAG. 

that  he  had  followed  this  means  of  enriching  himself  up  to 
the  period  that  Count  D'Orloft*  arrived  with  the  Russian  fleet. 
Though  I  do  not  affirm  the  fact,  several  persons  of  credit  have 
assured  me  that  there  are  often  pirates  who  infest  the  coast, 
and  the  isles  between  Constantinople  and  Egypt,  who  attack 
the  commerce  of  all  nations,  and  run  down  the  vessels  after 
having  seized  the  cargoes  and  cut  the  throats  of  the  crews. 
Alexiano  had  been  employed  by  Count  D'OrlofF.  He  had 
reached  the  rank  of  Brigadier.  Alexiano  was  a  good  deal 
offended  in  the  first  instance,  and  afterwards  made  great 
merit  with  the  Prince-Marshal,  of  the  sacrifice  which  he 
affected  to  make  in  serving  under  me.  He  said,  that  if  he 
withdrew,  all  the  other  officers  would  follow  his  example. 
The  Prince-Marshal  sent  presents  to  his  wife,  and  wrote  him 
kindly,  persuading  him  to  remain  in  the  service.  All  the 
difficulty  he  made  was  nothing  more  than  a  piece  of  ma 
noeuvring  to  increase  his  importance ;  for  from  what  followed 
I  know  that,  had  he  left  the  service,  it  would  have  been  alone, 
and  that  no  one  would  have  regretted  his  absence. 

"  To  give  time  to  those  angry  spirits  to  become  calm,  and 
to  be  able  to  decide  on  the  part  I  should  take,  I  proposed  to 
Brigadier  de  Ribas,  that  we  should  together  make  a  journey 
to  Kinbourn,  to  see  the  entrance  of  the  Dnieper  and  recon 
noitre  the  position  and  strength  of  the  Turkish  fleet  and 
flotilla.  At  my  return  all  the  officers  appeared  contented, 
and  I  hoisted  my  flag  on  board  the  \V"olodimer,  on  the  26th 
of  May,  1788. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau  Siegen,  whom  I  had  known 
slightly  at  Paris,  told  me,  '  that  if  we  gained  any  advantage 
over  the  Turks,  it  was  necessary  to  exaggerate  it  to  the  ut 
most  ;  and  that  this  was  the  counsel  the  Chevalier  de  Ribas 
had  given  him.'  I  replied,  '  that  I  never  had  adopted  this 
method  of  heightening  my  personal  importance.' " 

The  journal  of  the  Rear-Admiral,  after  this  introduction,  is 
continued  in  the  third  person  for  some  time ;  and  afterwards 


(223; 


JOURNAL.  225 

goes  on  to  the  end  as  a  narrative  in  the  first  person,  which 
would  have  been  desirable  throughout ;  it  is,  however,  thought 
best  to  adhere  faithfully  to  the  original. 

Journal  of  the  Campaign  of  the  Liman  in  1788,"  drawn  up  by 
Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones,  for  the  perusal  of  her  Imperial 
Majesty  of  all  the  Russias,  and  now  first  published  from 
his  original  Manuscript. 

"  AT  the  opening  of  this  campaign  the  squadron  of  Cherson 
was  obliged  to  remain  for  two  days  in  the  road  of  Schiroque, 
till  the  troops  should  embark  which  were  to  form  part  of  the 
crew.  The  Prince  of  Nassau,  who  had  been  appointed  com 
mander  of  the  flotilla,  and  who  had  by  this  time  received  on 
board  all  the  troops  intended  for  him,  durst  not  venture  to 
advance  even  four  or  five  verstes  without  being  escorted  by 
three  frigates.  The  Prince  of  Nassau  was  so  apprehensive 
of  danger,  that  on  the  28th  of  May,  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones, 
commander  of  the  squadron,  reinforced  him  with  a  fourth 
frigate. 

"  On  the  29th,  the  troops  being  all  on  board,  the  squadron 
advanced,  and  led  on  the  flotilla,  which  lay  scattered  about 
at  anchor  without  any  observance  of  order.  The  squadron 
drew  up  opposite  the  first  village,  to  the  left  of  the  Bog,  in  an 
obtuse  angle,  and  thus  commanded,  by  a  cross-fire,  the  only 
passage  of  the  Liman.  This  lies  between  two  sand-banks, 
through  which  the  Turks  must  advance  with  their  heavy 
vessels.  By  this  position  the  Rear-Admiral  covered  Cherson, 
and  the  country  on  both  banks  of  the  Liman,  made  good  the 
free  passage  of  the  Bog  to  the  army  of  the  Prince-Marshal, 
and  held  the  Turks  in  check  in  any  attempt  they  might  make 
against  Kinbourn. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau  at  this  time  talked  a  great  deal 
of  projects  of  descents,  surprises,  and  attacks,  but  without 
any  rational  plan. 


226  COUNCIL  OF  WAR. 

"  A  battery  having  been  raised  upon  the  point  of  Stanislaus, 
the  Prince  of  Nassau  expressed  himself  delighted  with  it,  as 
in  case  of  necessity  he  might  there  find  shelter.  The  Rcar- 
Admiral  could  not  have  retreated,  as  several  of  his  vessels 
were  already  within  a  few  inches  of  getting  aground.  The 
Rear-Admiral  was  aware  that  the  Turks,  having  a  very  su 
perior  force,  would  not  give  any  opportunity  of  attacking  them ; 
and  that  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  maintain  the  strong 
position  he  had  taken,  till  the  advance  of  Prince  Potemkin,  in 
order  to  concert  plans,  and  combine  his  operations  with  those 
of  the  land  forces. 

"  In  the  meanwhile,  General  Suwaroff,  commandant  of 
Kinbourn,  made  the  Rear-Admiral  responsible  for  the  safety 
of  that  place ;  while  Brigadier  Alexiano  and  the  Prince  of 
Nassau  did  all  that  was  possible  to  make  him  distrustful  of 
the  means  which  he  possessed  for  attack  or  defence.  They 
alleged,  that  the  vessels  forming  the  flotilla,  having  been 
constructed  merely  to  convey  the  carriages  of  the  Empress 
in  her  late  progress,  might  be  expected,  at  the  first  attack,  to 
sink  under  the  enormous  weight  of  the  guns. 

"  The  squadron  made  a  formidable  appearance,  but  had 
little  real  strength.  The  Wolodimer  and  the  Alexander  were 
but  half-armed ;  and  both  vessels  were  already  within  a  few 
inches  of  touching  the  bottom,  so  shallow  is  the  Liman  for 
vessels  of  war.  In  this  most  critical  situation,  having  no  orders 
from  his  Highness  the  Prince-Marshal  for  his  guidance,  and 
knowing  nothing  either  of  his  intentions,  or  of  the  actual  po 
sition  of  the  army,  the  Rear-Admiral  resolved  on  assembling 
a  council  of  war,  in  conformity  to  the  ordonnanee  of  Peter 
the  Great.  The  council  he  opened  by  a  speech  suited  to  the 
occasion,  the  main  object  of  which  was  to  show  the  necessity 
of  a  perfect  understanding  between  the  squadron  and  the 
flotilla ;  and  that,  uniting  heart  and  hand,  and  forgetting  all 
personal  considerations,  they  should  determine  to  conquer,  as 
the  true  glory  of  a  patriot  was  to  be  useful  to  his  country. 


ALEXIANO'S  CONDUCT. 


227 


Affair  of  June  Oth. 


"On  the  6th*  of  June,  at  two  in  the  morning,  the  Prince 
of  Nassau  advanced,  with  the  greater  part  of  the  flotilla  ;  but 
retired  at  daybreak  before  a  very  inferior  force.  The  Turks 
chased  him,  keeping  up  a  cannonade,  into  the  midst  of  the 
squadron,  which,  as  had  been  arranged,  advanced  to  take  a 
position  to  support  him. 

"  This  inspirited  the  Turks  so  much,  that,  during  the  night 
between  the  Gth  and  7th,  they  threatened  an  attack. 

"  At  sunrise  the  Turks  made  sail ;  and  Brigadier  Alexiano 
ran  upon  the  deck  of  the  Wolodimer,  half-naked,  exclaiming, 
like  a  frantic  man,  in  French  and  Russian,  that  the  Turks 
were  going  to  attack  and  board  us,  and  that  we  would  be 
blown  to  pieces  for  having  been  so  foolish  as  to  leave  our 
former  position.  He  had,  notwithstanding,  in  the  council  of 
war, given  his  voice  in  favour  of  the  position  we  now  actually 

*  The  Russians  compute  time  by  the  old  style,  which  sometimes  produces 
an  apparent  confusion  of  dates  in  the  Journal, — Paul  Jones  sometimes  reck 
oning  by  the  one  mode  and  sometimes  by  the  other. 


228  COMBAT  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

held.  Brigadier  Ribas,  the  captain,  and  all  the  crew,  were 
witnesses  of  his  extravagant  and  unjustifiable  behaviour. 

"  This  proved  a  false  alarm ;  the  Turkish  fleet  did  not  stir. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau  came  on  board  the  Wolodimer, 
and  the  Rear-Admiral  proposed  to  him  to  reconnoitre  the 
enemy's  fleet  and  flotilla.  As  they  advanced  together,  the 
first  division  of  the  Turkish  flotilla  began  to  fire  from  their 
canoes,  and  raised  their  anchors  and  rowed  forward  towards 
our  reserve,  which  they  attacked  briskly.  At  the  same  time 
several  corps  of  Turkish  troops  advanced  along  the  opposite 
bank,  as  if  they  intended  to  establish  a  post  or  battery  to  act 
on  our  flank.  As  our  reserve  had  been  posted  to  cover  our 
right  wing,  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  who  knew  not  what  to  do, 
proposed  to  make  it  draw  up  in  the  form  of  an  arch  (crochet 
de  houlette,)  the  better  to  sustain  the  assault.  The  Rear- Ad 
miral  told  him,  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  necessary  to  lift 
the  anchors  with  the  utmost  despatch,  and  to  form  in  line  of 
battle  to  meet  the -attack  of  the  Turks.  The  combat  bavin"" 

o 

commenced  according  to  this  plan,  the  Rear- Admiral  hastened 
along  the  lines,  to  issue  orders  to  the  squadron,  and,  above 
all,  to  make  the  remainder  of  the  flotilla,  posted  between  the 
ships  and  upon  the  left  wing,  advance.  The  wind  being  ad 
verse,  he  made  these  vessels  be  towed  by  the  ships'  boats  and 
other  boats  attached  to  the  squadron ;  and  by  an  oblique 
movement  formed  in  line  of  battle,  with  the  intention  of  cutting 
off  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  and  galling  him  by  a  cross-fire. 
As  soon  as  the  Capitan  Pacha  perceived  the  manoeuvre  of 
the  Rear- Admiral,  he  came  forward  himself  in  his  kirlangitch, 
having  a  very  favourable  wind,  and  made  the  second  division 
of  his  flotilla  advance. 

"  At  this  time  our  reserve  was  very  critically  situated.  A 
double  chaloupe  quitted  the  action,  and  four  of  our  galleys 
were  in  danger  of  being  captured.  The  Prince  of  Nassau, 
who  did  not  relish  going  himself,  sent  Brigadier  CorsacofF,  who 
made  these  retreat.  Instead  of  remaining  with  the  reserve, 


COMBAT  WITH  THE  TURKS. 


229 


Combat  with  the  Turks. 


which,  being  without  a  commander,  was  in  very  great  dis 
order,  the  Prince  of  Nassau  quitted  his  own  post,  and  stationed 
himself  before  the  Rear- Admiral,  where  he  could  be  of  no  use 
whatever.  The  Rear-Admiral  went  into  the  same  boat  with 
the  Prince  of  Nassau,  and  again  issued  his  orders  along  the 
line.  Being  now  within  cannon-shot  of  the  enemy,  he  opened 
fire,  advancing  always  in  an  oblique  line  to  cut  off  the  enemy's 
retreat.  At  the  same  time  he  despatched  Brigadier  Alexiano 
to  endeavour  to  rally  the  vessels  of  the  reserve,  which  the 
Prince  of  Nassau  had  deserted ;  but  Alexiano  contented  him 
self  with  waving  his  hat  in  the  air,  and  shouting  from  behind 
the  lines, — t  Fire,  my  lads,  on  the  kirlangitch  of  the  Capitan 
Pacha!' 

"  When  the  line  led  on  by  the  Rear- Admiral  came  to  close 

fire  with  the  enemy,  their  flotilla  was  thrown  into  the  utmost 

confusion.    Our  reserve  gave  no  farther  way,  and  the  enemy 

was  placed  under  a  cross-fire.     The  Capitan  Pacha  availed 

20 


230  THE  PRINCE  OF  NASSAU'S  ORDER. 

himself  of  the  only  resource  in  his  power ;  he  set  every  sail  to 
withdraw  his  force.  Had  he  remained  a  half-hour  longer, 
he  would  have  been  surrounded.  Two  of  his  vessels  were 
burnt  in  this  affair.  The  flotilla  of  the  enemy  was  composed 
of  fifty-seven  vessels,  and  we  chased  into  the  middle  of  their 
fleet.  The  Rear- Admiral,  who  had  directed  the  whole  affair, 
gave  all  the  credit  of  it  to  the  Prince  of  Nassau. 

"  An  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  capacity  of  the  Prince  of 
Nassau  from  the  following  circumstance : — At  the  beginning 
of  the  action  he  requested  the  Rear-Admiral  to  bring  forward 
to  the  support  of  the  reserve  only  the  vessels  posted  on  the 
left  wing,  which  consisted  of  one  galley  and  a  double  cha- 
loupe.  Besides  the  insufficiency  of  force,  these  vessels  had  a 
very  long  way  to  make,  and  that  against  the  wind. 

"  The  Turks  remained  quiet  for  some  time  after  this.  The 
Prince  of  Nassau,  who  had  scarce  spoken  one  word  during 
the  aflair,  save  to  make  extravagant  professions  of  regard 
for  the  Rear-Admiral,  now  began  to  give  himself  airs.  On 
the  13th  June  he  addressed  a  writing  of  an  extraordinary 
character  to  the  Rear-Admiral,  the  object  of  which  appeared 
to  be,  that  an  advance  should  be  made  of  three  verstes 
nearer  the  enemy,  who  had  taken  post  under  the  batteries  of 
Oczakow.  The  Rear-Admiral,  who  could  perceive  no  advan 
tage  to  the  service  in  such  a  movement,  refused  his  concur 
rence.  Had  he  agreed,  the  movement  would  have  been  fatal 
to  Russia,  as  will  be  seen  by  what  follows. 

"  By  the  16th  June  the  patience  of  the  Capitan  Pacha  was 
exhausted.  He  brought  from  his  grand  fleet,  without  Kin- 
bourn,  two  thousand  picked  men,  to  reinforce  the  body  under 
the  walls  of  Oczahow ;  and  being  strengthened  still  farther 
by  the  troops  of  the  garrison,  he  advanced  with  his  whole 
fleet  and  flotilla,  and  with  a  fair  wind,  into  the  Liman,  to 
attack  and  board  us.  The  ship,  which  bore  one  of  the  Ad 
miral's  flags,  steered  right  towards  the  Wolodimer  from  the 
commencement  of  the  movement.  When  within  three  verstes 


COUNCIL  OF  WAR.  231 

of  us,  or  little  more,  this  ship  got  aground,  and  all  the  vessels 
which  accompanied  it  immediately  dropt  anchor.  It  was 
then  about  two  in  the  afternoon. 

"  The  Rear-Admiral  summoned  a  council  of  war  to  con 
sult  on  what  should  be  done.  He  addressed  the  council,  at 
which  were  present  all  the  commanders  of  the  squadron  and 
th£  flotilla,  and  concluded  by  telling  them,  *  that  they  must 
make  up  their  minds  to  conquer  or  die  for  the  country.' 

"  The  wind,  which  was  rather  fresh,  being  against  us,  the 
only  thing  proposed  by  the  Rear-Admiral  that  was  found 
practicable,  was  to  draw  up  our  force  in  an  obtuse  angle,  by 
bringing  forward  the  right  of  the  line  upon  the  centre.*  This 
movement  was  completed  before  midnight.  The  wind  had 
shifted  to  N.N.E. ;  and  at  break  of  day  the  Rear- Admiral 
made  signal,  and  the  whole  squadron  immediately  set  sail  to 
commence  the  attack  on  the  Turks. 

"  The  Turks  got  into  confusion  the  instant  this  manoeuvre 
was  perceived.  They  raised  their  anchors  or  cut  their  cables 
in  the  greatest  precipitation,  and  not  the  shadow  of  discipline 
remained  in  their  fleet.  Our  squadron  advanced  in  line  of 
battle  with  a  striking  and  formidable  appearance,  so  that  the 
Turks  knew  not  how  weak  it  really  was.  As  our  flotilla  had 
been  very  slow  in  weighing  anchor,  the  Rear-Admiral  was 
obliged  to  make  the  squadron  halt  twice  to  await  it.  At 
length,  the  flotilla  being  always  last,  the  squadron  opened  fire 
on  the  enemy,  of  whom  the  person  second  in  command,. who 
had  flown  about  like  a  fool,  quickly  ran  his  ship  on  a  sand 
bank  on  the  south  of  the  Liman.  There  was  no  longer  hope 
for  him ;  from  the  moment  he  grounded  he  \vas  ours.  The 

*  "  The  plan  of  the  Capitan  Pacha  was  to  bear  down  under  full  sail  on  the  ves 
sels  of  our  flotilla,  and  runthem  to  the  bottom  by  the  shock  of  the  encounter  of 
his  large  ships.  He  also  proposed  to  burn  our  squadron  by  throwing-  in  fire 
balls  (grappins"),  and  setting  fire  to  certain  trading  vessels  which  he  had  pre 
pared  as  fire-ships.  He  had  reason  to  calculate  on  success,  had  he  not  been 
thwarted  by  a  circumstance  which  no  man  could  have  foreseen." — Note  by 
PAUL  JONES. 


232  CAPTURE  OF  A  TURKISH  SHIP. 


enemy  still  kept  flying  about,  and  always  in  the  greatest  dis 
order.  The  Rear-Admiral  made  his  ship  (the  Wolodimer)  be 
steered  to  within  pistol-shot  of  the  vessel  of  the  Capitan 
Pacha,  but  the  latter,  again  ran  aground  upon  a  sand-bank ; 
and  a  few  minutes  afterwards  the  Brigadier  Alexiano  gave 
orders  in  the  Russian  language,  and  unknown  to  the  Rear- 
Admiral,  to  drop  the  Wolodimer's  anchor.  It  was  pretended 
that  there  were  but  fifteen  feet  of  water  a  little  way  in  ad 
vance  of  the  ship,  which  was  not  true.  A  considerable  time 
before  this  the  squadron  had  been  taken  on  the  right  flank  by 
the  Turkish  flotilla,  drawn  up  on  the  shallows,  approaching 
the  bank  to  the  east  of  Oczakow,  and  commanded  by  the 
Capitan  Pacha  himself.  The  flotilla  annoyed  the  squadron 
considerably,  by  incessantly  throwing  in  along  our  line  both 
bombs  and  balls  of  great  size.  Wanting  depth  of  water,  our 
frigates  could  not  advance  far  enough  to  dislodge  them,  and, 
besides,  they  found  that  their  guns  were  too  small.  The  Ca 
pitan  Pacha  had  struck  down  one  of  our  frigates,  named  the 
Little  Alexander,  by  a  bomb,  at  the  side  of  the  Wolodimer, 
and  at  the  very  instant  Brigadier  Alexiano  made  the  anchor 
be  cast.  Our  flotilla  still  lagged  behind,  but  it  did  at  last 
advance.  Having  passed  through  the  squadron  in  the  great-  ' 
est  disorder,  and  without  the  least  appearance  of  plan,  instead 
of  pursuing  the  flying  Turks,  the  flotilla  swarmed  round  the 
Turkish  ships  which  were  aground  like  a  hive  of  bees. 

"  The  Rear- Admiral  commanded  Brigadier  Alexiano  to 


THE  TURKISH  FLAG.  233 

get  together  some  vessels  of  our  flotilla  to  dislodge  the  Turk 
ish  flotilla.  At  the  same  moment  the  Rear-Admiral  advanced 
in  his  boat  towards  the  left  wing,  where  the  Prince  of  Nassau 
was  with  his  body  of  reserve,  employed  to  very  little  purpose, 
in  firing  on  the  Turkish  vessels  already  aground.  The  Rear- 
Admiral  entreated  him  to  lead  or  send  the  reserve  to  act 
against  the  Turkish  flotilla  upon  our  right  flank,  and  informed 
him  of  the  misfortune  which  had  befallen  the  Little  Alexan 
der;  but  M.  de  Nassau  remained  quietly  behind  his  batteries, 
and  made  no  movement  todislodge  the  flotilla  of  the  enemy. 

"  The  Rear-Admiral  then  met  Brigadier  Corsacoff,  to 
whom  he  gave  orders  similar  to  those  he  had  given  to  M. 
Alexiano ;  and  these  two  officers  having  got  together  as 
many  vessels  as  they  could  collect,  assisted  our  frigates  in 
dislodging  and  chasing  the  Turkish  flotilla  even  till  under  the 
walls  of  Oczakow.  M.  de  Corsacoff  was  a  brave  and  an 
intelligent  man ;  he  did  not  affect  to  have  done  anything 
wonderful.  Alexiano  was  a  man  of  limited  talent  and  of 
questionable  courage,  but  his  vanity  was  excessive.  He  pre 
tended  to  have  hauled  a  battery  to  within  pistol-shot  of  the 
enemy's  flotilla;  but  M.  Akmatoff,  who  commanded  that  bat 
tery,  declared  that  neither  he  nor  any  one  of  our  people  ever 
were  nearer  the  Turkish  flotilla  than  half  cannon-shot. 

"  The  Turkish  fleet  was  now  distant.  The  Prince  of  Nas 
sau  was  told  that  the  Admiral's  flag,  which  had  been  dis 
played  on  the  vessel  of  the  Capitan  Pacha,  was  struck  down, 
and  he  hastily  advanced  to  claim  it.  The  ship  of  the  Capitan 
Pacha,  like  all  the  others  of  the  band,  leaned  much  to  one 
side,  and  consequently  could  not  fully  avail  itself  of  its  guns. 
As  the  flag  of  the  Capitan  Pacha  fell  into  the  water  from  the 
top  of  the  main-mast,  having  been  struck  down  by  a  ball,  it 
is  not  difficult  to  discover  that  the  vessel  which  had  fired  this 
ball  was  in  no  danger  of  being  touched  by  case-shot.  The 
saporoses  drew  the  flag  from  the  water,  and  the  Prince  of 
Nassau,  a  long  while  afterwards,  had  the  glory  (which  he 
20* 


234  THE  BRANDCOLGLES. 

turned  to  good  account,)  of  snatching  it  from  their  hands. 
The  Rear-Admiral  might  have  claimed  at  least  the  half  of 
this  flag,  as  he  had  his  hands  on  it  at  the  same  moment  with 
the.  Prince  of  Nassau ;  but  he  regarded  it  as  a  thing  of  very 
little  consequence. 

"  Brandcougles*  had  been  thrown  into  the  two  Turkish 
vessels,  and  they  were  burnt.  Was  this  a  good  or  a  bad 
piece  of  service  ?  These  two  vessels  were  only  ours  from 


Burning  of  the  Turkish  vessels. 


the  accident  of  having  run  aground,  and  because  their  crews 
had  been  left  by  their  countrymen  under  the  guns  of  our 
squadron.  Wherefore  did  the  flotilla  interfere  with  them  ? — 
ought  it  not  rather  to  have  pursued  the  flying  Turks,  who 
were  not  yet  under  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  Oczakow  ? 
Our  flotilla  had  received  no  injury,  and  had  nothing  to  fear 
from  the  shallowness  of  the  water. 

"  Having  first  sounded,  the  Rear-Admiral  made  the  squa 
dron  advance  another  verste,  and  took  post  in  a  right  line 

*  A  note  by  Paul  Jones  describes  these  incendiary  missiles  as  a  kind  of 
bomb-shells,  perforated  with  holes,  and  filled  inside  with  combustible  mate 
rials.  They  were  fired  from  a  sort  of  pieces  called  Licornes. 


JONES  TAKING  SOUNDINGS  OFF  OCZAKOW.  235 

barely  out  of  shot  of  Oczakow,  and  in  line  with  the  farthest 
back  of  the  Turkish  ships  that  had  been  run  aground  and 
taken.  Fire  soon  after  broke  out  in  this  prize,  which  had  been 
imprudently  fired  upon  with  brandcougles. 

"  The  fleet  and  flotilla  of  the  Turks  now  drew  up  a  line 
parallel  to  ours,  and  under  the  walls  of  Oczakow. 

"  How  imbecile  does  the  human  mind  become  under  the 
influence  of  sudden  panic!  The  Rear- Admiral,  an  hour  after 
the  affair,  advanced  in  his  boat,  and  took  soundings  all  along 
the  Turkish  line,  opposite  the  walls  of  Oczakow,  and  within 
reach  of  case-shot,  and  not  a  single  gun  was  fired  upon  him. 


Jones  taking  Soundings  off  Oczakow. 

"  Previously  to  taking  command  of  the  squadron,  the 
Rear-Admiral,  as  has  been  noticed,  had  gone  to  Kinbourn 
with  the  Chevalier  Ribas,  brigadier  du  jour,  to  the  Prince- 
Marshal,  to  rconnoitre  the  position  and  force  of  the  fleet  and 
flotilla  under  the  Capitan  Pacha,  and  to  examine  the  entrance 
of  the  Liman.  They  arrived  at  Kinbourn  at  the  very  time 
that  the  Capitan  Pacha  had  detached  twenty-one  vessels  of 
war  from  his  fleet,  and  with  that  force  entered  the  road  of 
Oczakow,  the  wind  not  permitting  him  to  enter  the  Liman, 


236  SHIPS  AGROUND. 

where  his  flotilla  and  some  transport  ships  were  already 
stationed.  The  Rear-Admiral  was  so  struck  at  finding  the 
tongue  of  land  at  Kinbourn  without  any  battery  or  block- fort, 
that  he  instantly  spoke  of  it  to  the  commandant,  General 
Suwaroff.  This  tongue  of  land,  from  its  position,  commands 
the  only  passage  by  which  large  vessels  can  either  enter  or 
come  out  of  the  Liman.  The  fortress  of  Kinbourn  being  far  too 
distant  to  be  able  to  command  this  passage,  the  Rear-Admiral 
proposed  to  establish  one  or  more  strong  batteries  upon  this 
strip  of  land,  and  M.  de  Ribas  seconded  the  proposition. 
After  considerable  delay,  General  Suwaroff  was  persuaded  to 
establish  a  block-fort  with  heavy  cannon  upon  this  tongue  or 
point  of  land,  and  a  battery  farther  within ;  but  the  Capitan 
Pacha  had  already  got  the  twenty-one  ships  in  question  into 
the  Liman. 

"To  resume — On  the  night  between  the  17th  and  18th  of 
June,  the  Capitan  Pacha  attempted  to  bring  the  remains  of 
his  squadron,  which  had  been  defeated  on  the  previous  day, 
out  of  the  Liman  ;  but  the  newly-erected  block-fort  and  bat 
tery  fired  on  his  ships,  of  which  nine  of  the  largest  were 
forced  aground  upon  the  sand-bank  which  runs  out  from 
Oczakow,  till  within  a  little  way  of  cannon-shot  from  the 
block-fort. 

"  The  block-fort  and  battery  fired  on  the  enemy's  ships  the 
whole  night,  and  at  day-break  General  Suwaroff  sent  to  us, 
requesting  that  we  should  send  vessels  to  take  possession  of 
those  ships  of  the  enemy  which  had  got  aground.  The 
Rear-Admiral  wished  to  send  frigates ;  but  Brigadier  Alexiano 
assured  him  that  he  would  run  the  risk  of  losing  them.  The 
current  there,  he  said,  '  was  like  that  of  a  mill-dam,  and  the 
bottom  was  so  bad  that  anchors  would  not  hold/ 

"  It  was,  accordingly,  resolved  to  proceed  with  the  flotilla  ; 
and  Alexiano,  who  had  his  private  reasons,  set  out  with  the 
Prince  of  Nassau.  The  flotilla  went  pell-mell,  and  without 
any  sort  of  order  or  plan,  upon  the  nine  ships  aground,  and 


(237) 


DISTRESS  OF  THE  TURKS. 


239 


Burning  of  the  Turkish  Fleet. 


fired  brandcougles  into  them  without  mercy.  It  was  in  vain 
the  wretched  Turks  made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  begged 
for  quarter  on  their  knees !  Above  three  thousand  of  them 
were  burnt  with  their  ships.  By  some  chance  two  of  these 
vessels,  the  least  and  the  largest,  did  not  take  fire;  the  one 
was  a  corvette,  very  differently  armed,  carrying  the  battery 
and  four  pieces  between  decks.  The  other  was  a  small 
brigantine,  of  French  construction,  armed  with  forty  small 
guns. 

"  Neither  the  Prince  of  Nassau  nor  Alexiano  was  to  be 
seen  at  this  time.  They  were  together,  and  at  some  distance, 
during  this  frightful  carnage ;  and  it  was  afterwards  asked 


240  PRINCE  POTEMKIN'S  ARMY. 

of  them  if  they  had  not,  during  this  time,  been  at  Kinbourn  ? 
As  the  greatest  confusion  reigned  among  the  vessels  of  the 
flotilla,  though  our  loss  was  not  great,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
part  of  it  was  owing  to  Russian  bullets.* 


Flotilla  Action, 


"  The  army  of  Prince  Potemkin  having  come  up  on  the 
27th  June,  the  Prince  of  Nassau  had  orders  to  attack  and 
destroy  or  capture,  the  Turkish  flotilla  which  lay  under  the 
walls  of  Oczakow  ;  and  the  Rear- Admiral  was  commanded 
to  give  him  every  assistance  that  might  be  useful.  In  pur 
suance  of  these  orders,  on  the  1st  of  July,  at  one  in  the 
morning,  the  flotilla  advanced.  The  Rear- Admiral  had  sent 
all  the  chaloupes  and  barcasses  belonging  to  the  squadron  to 
haul  out  the  vessels  of  the  flotilla.  The  Prince-Marshal  had 
taken  the  trouble  to  arrange  the  plan  of  attack  himself,  but 
his  plan  was  not  followed. 

"  At  day  dawn,  our  flotilla  having  advanced  within  cannon- 
shot,  opened  fire  upon  the  Turkish  flotilla,  and  on  the  place. 
The  current  having  carried  several  of  our  batteries  arid  double 


*  The  species  of  warfare  in  which  he  was  now  daily  engaged  was  new  to 
the  Anglo-American.  The  monstrous  and  wanton  cruelties  to  which  the 
Turks  were  subjected  by  the  more  barbarous  and  brutal  Russians  were  ac 
cordingly  viewed  by  him  with  horror  and  disgust. 


BURNING  OF  A  FRIGATE.  241 

chaloupes  rather  too  far  to  leeward,  the  Rear-Admiral  made 
them  be  hauled  up  by  the  boats  and  barcasses  of  the  squad 
ron,  and  set  the  example  himself  with  the  chaloupe  in  which 
he  was.  The  Turks  set  fire  to  a  little  firigate  which  they 
had  prepared  as  a  fire-ship,  and  placed  at  anchor  to  the 
N.  E.,  of  Fort  Hassan  Pacha. 


Burning  of  a  Frigate. 

"  At  six  in  the  morning,  the  Rear- Admiral  went  himself 
considerably  in  advance  of  the  flotilla  to  seize  five  of  the 
enemy's  galleys  which  lay  within  case-shot  of  Fort  Hassan. 
The  position  of  these  galleys,  between  the  cross-fire  of  our 
flotilla  on  the  one  side,  and  that  of  Fort  Hassan,  the  Turkish 
flotilla,  and  Oczakow  on  the  other,  rendered  this  a  very  dan 
gerous  enterprise.  The  Rear-Admiral  boarded  the  galley 
which  lay  farthest  out,  and  made  it  be  hauled  in  a  little  way 
by  Lieutenant  LefF  Fabrician.  He  afterwards  boarded  the 
galley  of  the  Capitan  Pacha,  which  lay  considerably  nearer 
the  Fort.  From  unskilfulness,  and  excess  of  zeal,  a  young 
officer  cut  the  cable  of  this  galley  without  waiting  the  orders 
of  the  Rear-Admiral,  and  before  the  boats  could  be  got  in 
order  to  haul  it  out,  the  wind  drifted  the  galley  towards  the 
shore,  and  still  nearer  to  the  Fort.  The  Rear- Admiral  made 
the  galley  be  lightened  by  throwing  many  things  overboard. 
After  much  search  for  ropes  that,  might  stretch  to  the  wreck 
21 


242         BURNING  OF  THE  CAPITAN  PACHA'S  GALLEY. 

of  the  burnt  frigate,  and  by  fastening  the  galley  there,  keep  it 
afloat,  the  plan  failed  from  the  ropes  not  being  long  enough. 
The  Rear- Admiral  was  very  unwilling  to  yield  to  the  obsti 
nate  opposition  of  the  Turks,  who  fired  upon  him  from  all 
their  bastions  and  from  their  flotilla,  and  he  despatched  Lieu 
tenant  Fox  to  the  Wolodimer,  to  fetch  an  anchor  and  cable. 
This  was  a  certain  means  of  securing  his  object ;  and  in 
waiting  the  return  of  the  lieutenant,  he  left  the  galley  with 
his  people,  and  assisted  in  the  flotilla's  advance.  Before  the 
return  of  Lieutenant  Fox,  he  had,  however,  the  mortification 
to  see  fire  break  out  in  the  galley  of  the  Capitan  Pacha. 
He  at  first  believed  that  the  slaves  chained  on  board  had  found 
means  to  escape,  and  had  set  fire  to  the  vessel ;  but  he  had 
afterwards  positive  proof  that  Brigadier  Alexiano  being  in  a 
boat  at  the  time  with  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  on  the  outside  of 
the  flotilla,  and  being  aware  of  the  intention  of  the  Rear-Ad 
miral,  swore  that  it  should  not  succeed,  and  sent  a  Greek 
canoe  to  set  fire  to  the  galley  !*  The  three  other  Turkish  gal 
leys  were  at  once  run  down  and  burnt  by  brandcougles. 
There  were  also  a  two-masted  ship  and  a  large  bomb-vessel 
burnt  near  Fort  Hassan  Pacha.  This  includes  all  that  was 
taken  or  destroyed  by  \vater,  save  fifty-two  prisoners  taken 
by  the  Rear-Admiral  in  the  two  galleys.  The  wretched 
beings,  who  were  chained  in  the  galley  of  the  Capitan  Pacha, 
perished  there  in  the  flames ! 

"  The  Prince-Marshal  having  made  an  important  diversion 
on  the  land-side,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  advantage  was  not 
taken  of  this  movement  to  seize  the  remainder  of  the  enemy's 
flotilla.  But  our  flotilla  never  came  up  within  reach  of  grape- 
shot." 

*  The  attestation  of  a  Russian  officer  to  this  singular  fact  is  among  the 
Pieces  Justificatives  appended  to  the  Journal ;  and  the  original  of  that  attes 
tation,  written  in  French,  and  subscribed  BilicrofF,  officer  of  the  guard,  arid 
dated  at  Kinbourn  the  26th  October,  1788,  remains  among  Jones's  papers. 


VERIFICATION  OF  THE  JOURNAL. 


243 


Burning  of  the  Capitan  Pacha's  Galley. 


The  above  extracts  from  the  Rear- Admiral's  Journal  are 
verified  in  the  following  manner : — "  These  extracts  have  been 
translated  by  me  into  the  Russian  language,  and  read  before 
the  commanders  of  the  ship  Wolodimer,  Captain  of  the  Second 
Rank,  Zefaliano ;  of  the  frigate  Scoroi,  Captain  of  the  Second 
Rank,  Aboljanin ;  of  the  frigate  Nicolai,  Captain  Lieutenant 
Daniloff ;  of  the  frigate  Taheuroc,  Lieutenant  Makinin ;  of 
the  frigate  the  Little  Alexander,  Lieutenant  Savitzsky ;  and 
they  have  found  nothing  in  them  contrary  to  truth. 

"  On  board  the  Wolodimer,  before  Oczakow,  the  28th 
October,  1788. 

"  Paul  Denetreffsky,  Honorary  Counsellor  of  the  College  for 
Foreign  affairs,  and  by  special  orders  of  her  Imperial 
Majesty  of  all  the  Russias,  Secretary  to  Rear-Admiral 
and  Chevalier  Paul  Jones." 


244  DEATH  OF  ALEXIANO. 

Addition   of  Rear- Admiral  Jones  to  the  proceeding  Journal. 
Translated  from  the  French  of  the  MS.  volume,  prepared 
for  publication  by  himself. 

"  The  moment  the  ships  began  to  withdraw  from  Oczakow, 
the  Prince  of  Nassau  and  Brigadier  Alexiano  hurried  straight 
to  the  head-quarters  of  the  Prince-Marshal,  to  relate  the  deeds 
which  they  pretended  they  had  performed.  In  a  few  minutes 
after  the  flotilla  began  to  retire,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents,  of 
which  Nassau  and  Alexiano  received  their  own  share  before 
reaching  head-quarters. 

"  Two  days  afterwards,  Brigadier  Alexiano  returned  on 
board  the  Wolodimer,  having  caught  a  malignant  fever,  of 
which  he  died  on  the  8th  July.  The  Prince  of  Nassau,  who 
had  made  use  of  him  in  caballing  against  me,  God  knows  for 
what,  neither  visited  him  in  his  sickness,  nor  assisted  at  his 
funeral.  At  first  it  was  given  out,  that  the  service  must  sus 
tain  the  loss  of  every  Greek  in  it  on  account  of  his  death;  but 
I  soon  experienced  the  reverse.  Not  one  asked  to  be  dismissed ; 
they  remained  under  my  command  the  same  as  the  Russians, 
and  were  better  pleased  than  before.  On  the  day  preceding 
the  death  of  Alexiano,  he  had  received  intelligence  of  having 
been  promoted  two  grades ;  and  that  her  Majesty  had  bes 
towed  on  him  a  fine  estate,  and  peasants,  in  White  Russia. 
"At  the  same  time  the  Prince  of  Nassau  had  received  a  very 
valuable  estate,  with  three  or  four  thousand  peasants,  also  in 
White  Russia,  and  the  Military  Order  of  St.  George,  of  the 
Second  Class.  Her  Majesty  likewise  gave  him  liberty  to  hoist 
the  flag  of  Vice  Admiral  on  the  taking  of  Oczakow,  to  which 
event  it  was  apparently  believed  he  had  greatly  contributed. 
I  received  the  order  of  St.  Anne,  an  honour  with  which  1  am 
highly  flattered,  and  with  which  I  could  have  been  perfectly 
satisfied,  had  others  been  recompensed  only  in  the  same  pro 
portion,  and  according  to  the  merit  of  their  services.  All  the 
officers  of  the  flotilla  received  a  step  of  promotion  and  the 


VISIT  OF  PRINCE  POTEMKIN.  245 

gratuity  of  a  year's  pay.  The  greater  part  of  them  also  ob 
tained  the  Order  of  St.  George,  of  the  Last  Class.  Only  two 
of  these  officers  had  been  bred  to  the  sea ;  all  the  others  were 
ignorant  of  naval  affairs.  The  officers  of  the  squadron  under 
my  command  were  almost  wholly  marine  officers.  They 
had  done  their  duty  well  when  opposed  to  the  enemy ;  but 
they  obtained  no  promotion,  no  mark  of  distinction,  no  pecu 
niary  reward.  My  mortification  was  excessive. 

"  My  officers  at  this  time  gave  me  a  very  gratifying  proof 
of  their  attachment.  On  promising  that  I  would  demand  jus 
tice  for  them  from  the  Prince-Marshal  at  the  close  of  the 
campaign,  they  stifled  their  vexation,  and  made  no  complaint. 

"  It  ought  to  have  been  mentioned  in  the  proper  place,  that 
three  days  after  our  success  in  the  Liman,  Prince  Potemkin 
arrived  at  Kinbourn,  from  whence  he  came  on  board  the 
Wolodimer  to  make  me  a  visit.  He  was  accompanied  by 
General  Count  de  Brandisky  of  Poland,  the  Prince  de  Repuin, 
the  Prince  de  Ligne,  General  de  Samoilow,  and  several  other 
officers.  His  Highness  did  me  the  honour  to  remain  to  dinner ; 
and  as  he  knew  that  an  altercation  had  taken  place  between 
the  Prince  of  Nassau  and  myself  on  the  morning  of  the  18th 
of  June,  he  had  the  goodness  to  employ  the  Prince  de  Ligne, 
and  M.  Littlepage,  Chamberlain  to  the  King  of  Poland,  to  per 
suade  the  Prince  of  Nassau  to  make  me  an  apology.  I  ac 
cepted  it  with  sincere  pleasure.  We  embraced  in  presence  of 
this  honourable  company,  and  I  believed  him  as  sincere  as 
myself. 

"  The  Prince-Marshal  charged  me  at  this  time  to  make 
arrangements  for  raising  the  cannon,  anchors,  and  other 
stores  belonging  to  the  enemy's  ships  which  had  been  burnt, 
without  loss  of  time,  and  I  sent  off  a  transport  ship  with 
officers  and  men  on  this  duty. 

"  His  Highness  the  Prince-Marshal  now  made  his  troops 
advance.  They  passed  the  Bog,  and  appeared  in  sight  of  us, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Liman,  on  the  27th  of  June ;  and  next 
21  * 


246  ALEXIANO. 

morning  the  Capitan  Pacha  made  his  grand  fleet,  which  had 
always  remained  at  anchor  twenty  or  thirty  verstes  without 
Kinbourn,  weigh  anchor,  and  directed  his  course  towards  the 
entrance  of  the  Danube,  carrying  three  Admiral's  flags,  and 
followed  by  all  the  vessels  that  had  escaped  us  in  the  Liman. 
During  the  whole  time  that  we  were  exposed  to  having  a 
serious  affair  with  the  Turks,  Brigadier  Alexiano  had  care 
fully  kept  a  Greek  felucca  of  eighteen  oars  alongside  the 
Wolodimer.  This  felucca  was  better  built  for  sailing  than 
any  of  the  other  chaloupes  or  rowing  vessels  belonging  to 
the  whole  squadron,  so  that  he  had  at  all  times  the  means  of 
saving .  himself  in  case  of  any  disastrous  event.  Even  the 
Prince  of  Nassau,  since  his  retreat  on  the  6th  of  June,  was 
never  seen  in  any  vessel  of  the  flotilla,  but  always  in  a  cha- 
loupe,  which  had  been  built  for  the  especial  use  of  her  Impe 
rial  Majesty  on  her  late  voyage.  For  myself,  I  took  no  such 
precautions.  1  saw  that  I  must  conquer  or  die.  For  me 
there  was  no  retreat.  The  instant  that  Alexiano  saw  the 
troops  appear,  he  despatched  his  felucca  to  inform  the 
Prince-Marshal  that  it  was  he,  in  his  zeal  for  the  service, 
who  had  employed  people  to  save  the  effects  of  the  burnt 
prizes.  Nothing  could  be  less  true.  He  had  not  taken  the 
smallest  concern  in  the  matter.  But  this  shows  the  character 
of  the  man.  Next  day  I  was  informed  that  the  transport  ship 
I  had  employed  on  this  service  was  already  too  heavily  laden, 
and  made  a  great  deal  of  water.  As  the  wind  wTas  fair  for 
Glauboca,  I  gave  orders  that  she  should  immediately  go 
thither  to  unload.  Some  hours  after  the  departure  of  the 
transport,  Brigadier  Alexiano  returned  from  Kinbourn,  where 
he  had  dined,  and  said  several  impertinent  things  to  me  on 
the  subject  of  the  transport.  He  went  afterwards  to  head 
quarters  to  complain  of  me  to  the  Prince-Marshal.  In  conse 
quence  of  this  complaint  I  received  a  letter  from  his  brigadier 
du  jour,  the  Chevalier  Ribas,  which,  among  other  tilings, 
mentioned  that  the  Prince-Marshal  was  "  singularly  severe 


IMPERTINENCE  OF  ALEXIANO.  247 

and  strict  in  all  that  related  to  the  orders  he  gave."  I  replied, 
that  I  was  not  afraid  of  the  severity  of  the  Prince-Marshal, 
as  I  had  done  nothing  save  my  duty,  in  pursuance  of  his  own 
orders.*  Next  day  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  Prince  of  Nassau. 
I  imagined  I  should  be  welcomed  with  open  arms;  but  he 
attacked  me  about  the  transport-ship,  which  belonged,  he 
said,  to  his  flotilla.  I  replied,  that  I  had  been  charged  with 
this  duty  by  the  Prince-Marshal;  that  all  the  ships  of  war 
and  transports  belonged  to  her  Imperial  Majesty ;  and  that 
the  vessel  in  question,  being  unemployed  at  the  time  when  I 
took  it,  I  could  not  perceive  the  smallest  cause  of  complaint. 
He  was  beside  himself  with  anger ;  but,  as  the  good  of  the 
service  no  longer  required  our  combined  operations,  I  thought 
this  quarrel  too  childish  to  give  myself  uneasiness  about  it. 
I  took  leave  of  him,  begging  him  to  reflect,  that  I  had  given 
him  no  cause  of  displeasure.  I  did  not  wish  to  come  to  a 
rupture  with  him;  but,  on  the  1st  of  July,  seeing  the  day 
dawn,  and  that  the  flotilla  \vas  still  far  too  distant  to  make 
the  necessary  attack,  meeting  him  in  his  chaloupe,  I  asked 
4  If  he  did  not  think  it  time  to  begin  the  attack  ?' — *  Is  it  of 
me  you  thus  inquire  T  he  replied  ;  '  I  have  nothing  to  say  to 
you  on  the  subject.'  After  a  reply  so  uncivil,  and  so  pub 
licly  made,  it  was  impossible  I  could  have  any  farther  inter 
course  with  the  Prince  of  Nassau. 

"  On  the  18th  June,  in  giving  an  account  to  the  Prince- 
Marshal  of  the  fate  of  the  nine  vessels  run  aground  in  coming 
out  of  the  Liman,  upon  the  shallows  opposite  the  battery  and 
block-fort  on  the  tongue  of  land  of  Kinbourn,  I  took  the  liberty 
to  propose  to  him  to  get  the  Wolodimer,  which  had  port-holes 
for  seventy  pieces  of  cannon,  and  the  large  frigate  Alexander, 
which  might  have  carried  fifty  pieces,  completely  armed,  that 

*  After  this  affair,  Jones  seems  to  have  completely  lost  all  self-command. 
He  had  no  longer  any  hope  of  conciliating  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  and  accord 
ingly  henceforth  waged  against  him  a  determined  and  not  very  -generous 
hostility. 


248  FLEET  ACTION. 

at  the  first  opportunity  the  squadron  of  Cherson  might  join 
that  of  Scvastopolc ;  but  his  Highness  gave  no  orders  for  this 
purpose  till  the  month  of  September ;  and  the  Admiralty  was 
so  slow  in  acting,  that  the  vessels  were  not  equipped  by  the 
18th  October,  when  I  was  recalled  to  St.  Petersburgh  by  an 
order  from  her  Imperial  Majesty. 


Action  of  the  28th  of  June. 

"  The  fleet  of  the  Capitan  Pacha  having  sailed  on  the  28th 
of  June,  had  a  rencounter  with  that  of  Sevastopole,  which 
had  come  out  some  days  before  ;  but  the  Turkish  fleet  being 
much  stronger  than  that  of  Russia,  the  latter  fled,  and  had 
the  good  fortune  to  get  back  to  Scvastopole  without  loss, 
having  no  more  than  six  or  seven  men  killed  and  wounded, 
which  shows  that  the  affair  was  neither  close  nor  warm. 

"  After  the  affair  of  the  18th  of  June,  the  greater  part  of 
our  flotilla  remained  several  days  at  anchor  between  Kinbourn 
and  the  block-fort  upon  the  tongue  of  land.  It  is  surprising 
that  the  Russian  seamen  and  pilots  could  be  so  profoundly 
ignorant  respecting  the  anchorage,  currents,  and  depth  of  the 
Limari,  and,  above  all,  of  the  channel  and  the  road  between 
Oczakow  and  Beresane.  At  first  not  a  single  commander  in 
the  flotilla  durst  venture  to  cast  an  anchor. 

"  Being  at  Kinbourn  on  the  28th  June,  General  Suwaroff 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  CHALOUPES.  249 

spoke  to  me  of  the  unpleasant  circumstance  of  not  being  able 
to  cut  off  the  communication  between  Oczakow  and  Beresane. 
Having  sounded  myself,  I  informed  him  that  this  was  quite 
as  practicable  as  it  was  useful  to  the  service,  and  I  would 
place  the  frigates  there  instantly  if  he  would  only  require  me 
to  do  so.  He  did  not  hesitate,  and  the  same  day  I  placed 
three  frigates  there.  M.  Alexiano  did  all  he  could  to  prevent 
me ;  and  when  he  saw  the  frigates  set  off,  prophesied  that  I 
would  never  see  them  return.  He  carried  his  intrigues  so  far, 
that  the  Prince-Marshal  wrote  me  a  warning  letter  on  the 
29th,  and  on  the  1st  July  a  peremptory  order  to  withdraw 
them.  During  the  short  time  they  were  there  they  took  two 
Turkish  armed  chaloupes  and  a  batteau  laden  with  powder 
and  shot ;  and  cut  off  the  enemy's  communination  between 
Oczakow  and  Beresane. 


Capture  of  the  Turkish  Chaloupes. 


"  The  Prince-Marshal  had  not  been  satisfied  with  the  con 
duct  of  the  flotilla  in  the  affair  of  attacking  OczakowT  on  the 
1st  July,  which  was  conducted  in  a  very  irregular  manner, 
and  at  too  great  a  distance.  The  most  advanced  charge  was 


250  JONES  AND  M.  RIBAS. 

that  of  the  battery  commanded  by  M.  AkmatofF,  who  was 
never  less  than  900  toises  distant  from  the  enemy. 

"  On  the  10th  of  July  the  Prince-Marshal  sent  the  Prince 
of  Nassau  to  Sevastopole,  to  learn  if  the  squadron  had  been 
much  damaged  in  the  rencounter  with  the  Turkish  fleet. 
Immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  the 
Prince-Marshal  gave  the  Chevalier  Ribas  the  command  of 
the  flotilla,  with  orders  to  go  to  Kinbourn,  to  receive  on  board 
the  troops  he  destined  to  make  a  descent  on  the  island  of 
Beresane.  At  the  same  time  he  ordered  me  to  establish  a 
line  of  blockade  between  that  island  and  Oczakow.  I  sta 
tioned  five  frigates,  carrying  eighteen-pounders,  in  the  roads 
for  this  purpose. 

"  On  the  14th  I  was  ordered  to  inspect  the  entrance  of  the 
Liman.  I  immediately  went  (o  Kinbourn  to  have  an  under 
standing  with  General  Suvvaroff  and  the  Brigadier  de  Ribas. 
Though  the  Brigadier  had  been  incessantly  occupied  since  the 
departure  of  the  Prince  of  Nassau  in  bringing  the  crews  of  the 
flotilla  to  some  sort  of  order,  he  had  not  yet  completed  this 
task.  So  great  was  the  confusion  that  reigned,  that  he  could 
not  find  in  any  vessel  five  soldiers  belonging  to  the  same  com 
pany  ;  and  the  officers  knew  not  where  to  look  for  their  men. 
This  retarded  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  destined  for  the 
descent  on  Beresane  till  the  16th.  The  Prince-Marshal  was 
so  much  displeased  with  this  delay,  that  on  the  17th  he  gave 
orders  to  land  the  troops,  that  they  might  join  his  army  before 
Oczakow,  and  that  the  flotilla  should  again  pass  into  the  Li 
man,  as  well  as  the  frigates  I  had  posted  for  the  blockade. 

"  From  the  commencement  of  the  projected  expedition 
against  Beresane,  M.  Ribas  had  requested  me  to  conduct  the 
flotilla  and  the  descent  of  the  troops.  Though  a  man  of  much 
talent,  he  had  not  the  misplaced  conceit  of  some  persons  who 
readily  take  upon  them  things  far  beyond  their  capacity.  I 
told  him, «  He  well  knew  I  ought  to  have  commanded  the  flotilla 
as  well  as  the  squadron,  from  the  beginning  of  the  campaign, 


THE  PRINCE'S  PROPOSAL.  251 

but  that  my  gratitude  for  the  gracious  reception  accorded  me 
by  her  Imperial  Majesty,  together  with  the  very  delicate  state 
in  which  1  had  found  affairs,  had  induced  me  to  sacrifice  my 
feelings,  and  even  greatly  to  hazard  my  reputation  for  the 
good  of  the  empire  ;  that  I  could  never  so  far  humble  myself 
as  to  request  the  command  of  the  flotilla,  but  if  it  wejre  given 
me  by  the  Prince-Marshal,  I  would  do  my  best  to  make  the 
most  of  it  possible.' 

"  On  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  the  Prince-Marshal  fairly 
proposed  to  give  me  the  command  of  the  flotilla.  His  High 
ness  informed  me  his  intention  was  to  have  Oczakow  attacked 
a  second  time.  I  replied,  that  I  was  disposed  to  execute  with 
zeal  whatever  he  might  think  proper  for  the  good  of  the  ser 
vice  ;  but  that  to  attack  with  advantage  it  was  necessary  to 
come  to  close  quarters,  and  to  advance  in  better  order  than  on 
the  1st  July.  He  was  of  the  same  opinion,  and  requested  me 
to  come  ashore  next  day,  that  we  might  concert  together  the 
plan  of  attack. 

"  I  did  not  fail  to  comply  with  the  orders  of  the  Prince- 
Marshal,  but  his  Highness  spoke  no  more  of  the  flotilla.  I 
remained  to  dinner  and  supper,  and  afterwards  returned  on 
board  of  my  ship. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau  having  returned  some  days  before, 
had  intrigued  with  the  Prince  de  Ligne  ;  and  the  Prince- 
Marshal  restored  him  to  the  command  of  the  flotilla, 

"  On  the  18th  June  I  had  been  ordered  to  despatch  the  five 
frigates  which  had  returned  into  the  Liman,  to  be  refitted  at 
Glouboca,  en  baterie.  I  sent  them  off  at  day-break  on  the 
19th,  having  drawn  the  greater  part  of  their  crews  from  the 
gun-boats  and  bomb-vessels  which  the  Prince-Marshal  had 
placed  under  my  command.  On  the  20th  I  received  twenty- 
one  gun-boats,  each  carrying  a  single  piece,  from  eighteen 
to  thirty-two  pounders ;  and  five  bomb- vessels,  each  carry 
ing  a  mortar,  of  which  four  were  of  three  poods,  and  one  of 


252  JONES  CUTS  OUT  A  TURKISH  VESSEL, 

five  poods.*  The  same  day  the  Prince-Marshal  having 
established  his  head-quarters  to  the  right  of  his  army  upon 
the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  (he  had  hitherto  been  on  the 
shores  of  the  Liman,  on  the  left  wing,)  pointed  out  to  me 
two  of  the  enemy's  gun-boats,  stationed  close  by  the  fort  of 
Hassan  Pacha,  and  the  Turkish  lines  on  the  side  of  Beresane. 
He  was  persuaded  that  they  would  attempt  to  come  out  dur 
ing  the  night  with  despatches,  and  inquired  of  me  if  it  were 
not  possible  to  capture  them.  As  his  Highness  appeared  to 
attach  great  importance  to  this  service,  I  undertook  it. 

"  I  returned  on  board  the  Wolodkner.  from  whence,  at 
eight  in  the  evening,  I  set  off  with  five  armed  chaloupes.  I 
made  five  gun-boats  follow,  as  a  measure  of  precaution  in 
case  the  Turks  had  attempted  to  make  a  sortie,  as  their 
chaloupes  sailed  much  faster  than  ours. 

"  I  found  one  of  the  Turkish  gun-boats  aground,  hauled  up, 
and  almost  dry  on  the  sands  adjoining  the  battery,  and  on  an 
intrenchment  the  enemy  had  cast  up  on  the  water's  edge.  It 
was  impossible  to  get  it  afloat  under  the  terrible  fire  which 
we  sustained  from  all  the  lines  and  batteries  on  the  shore. 
The  other  gun-boat  lay  hard  by  the  fort  of  Hassan  Pacha,  to 
the  south.  Lieutenant  Edwards  boarded  this  vessel,  and  cut 
her  cables  ;  but  having  had  several  of  his  men  wounded,  and 
being  deserted  by  one  of  the  chaloupes,  he  was  obliged  to 
give  up  the  attempt,  lest  he  should  be  left  by  the  other  chaloupe 
also.  During  this  time  I  had  made  some  efforts  to  get  the 
other  Turkish  boat  afloat.  I  now  rowed  quickly  to  the  as 
sistance  of  Mr.  Edwards,  but  the  night  being  dark,  he  was 
already  out  of  sight.  I  boarded  the  vessel  in  which  he  had 
been.  I  had  several  men  wounded  around  me  ;  but,  in  defi 
ance  of  the  enemy,  I  hauled  the  vessel  out,  and  stationed  it 
right  opposite  the  head-quarters  of  the  Prince-Marshal. 

"  On  the  21st,  at  daybreak,  I  sailed  with  the  Wolodimer, 

*  A  pood,  or  poud,  is  a  Russian  weight,  equal  to  36  Ibs.  English  weight. 


THE  FLEET  SAILS. 


253 


Jones  cutting  out  a  Turkish  vessel. 


followed  by  all  the  vessels  of  the  squadron  that  yet  remained 
with  me,  and  twenty-five  armed  boats  and  bomb-vessels  that 
had  been  placed  under  my  command.  The  object  of  this 
movement  was  again  to  blockade  Oczakow  by  sea,  and  to 
cut  off  the  communication  between  that  place  and  Beresane. 
To  accomplish  this  object,  I  stationed  the  Wolodimer  and  the 
Alexander  to  blockade  the  channel  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Liman,  and  I  continued  the  same  line  of  blockade  into  the 
road,  by  placing  the  smaller  vessels  there.  As  the  bomb- 
vessels  and  gun-boats  had  not  water-casks,  the  Prince-Mar 
shal,  who  wished  to  see  these  craft  opposite  his  head-quarters, 
made  wells  be  dug  on  shore  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
crews ;  and  on  the  24th  ordered  my  officer  du  jour  to  have 
three  vessels  stationed  near  the  shore.  I  knew  nothing  of 
22 


254  JONES  SAVES  THE  BOATS. 

this  change,  for  I  had  placed  them  the  previous  night,  in  line, 
and  far  enough  off  to  be  in  safety.  On  the  25th  the  wind 
was  from  the  south,  but  was  not  violent.  After  dinner  I  went 
to  head-quarters  to  make  a  visit  to  the  Prince-Marshal,  and 
found,  to  my  great  astonishment,  that  half  the  boats  were 
cast  ashore,  and  the  other  half  in  the  greatest  danger.  I  set 
to  work  instantly,  with  my  chaloupe,  to  haul  off,  and  bring 
to  anchor  all  the  vessels  possible ;  and  by  means  of  anchors 
and  cables,  for  which  I  sent  to  the  squadron,  we  saved  them 
all,  except  six  gun-boats,  which  went  to  pieces,  and  filled  with 
sand.  On  the  26th  the  Prince-Marshal  wrote  me  by  his 
Brigadier  dujour,  requiring  to  know,  since  I  was  master  of 
the  vessels  saved,  what  I  meant  to  do  with  them  ?  I  placed 
them  near  the  tongue  of  land  of  Kinbourn,  where  they  had 
a  sheltered  haven,  and  also  wells  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  men.  They  sustained  no  farther  injury  during  the  time 
they  remained  under  my  command.  After  this,  two  chaloupes 
or  small  cutters  were  placed  under  my  orders,  of  which  each 
carried  two  licornes,  forty-eight  pounders,  in  the  fore-part, 
and  six  falconets  on  the  sides.  Shortly  afterwards  I  got  two 
larger  cutters,  carrying  each  two  mortars,  of  five  poods. 

"  On  the  31st  July,  the  Capitan  Pacha  again  made  his  ap 
pearance  with  his  fleet,  followed  by  several  vessels  which  he 
had  not  when  he  went  off.  His  advanced  guard,  composed 
of  his  frigates,  bomb-vessels,  and  small  craft,  cast  anchor 
near  Beresane,  whilst  his  large  squadron  of  ships  of  the  line 
resumed  their  old  position.  The  Prince-Marshal  ordered  me 
to  bring  back  my  small  vessels  to  assist  in  blocking  up  the  • 
passage  of  the  Liman ;  and  the  Prince  of  Nassau  was  ordered 
to  block  up  the  road  with  his  flotilla,  and  thus  cut  off  the 
communication  of  the  Turkish  small  vessels  by  the  shallows 
to  the  south  of  Fort  Hassan  Pacha. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau  hoisted  a  Vice-Admiral's  flag,  on 
one  of  the  galleys  in  coming  out  of  the  Liman,  and  that  gal 
ley  having  passed  under  the  stern  of  the  Wolodimer  on  the 


THE  CAPITAN  PACHA. 


255 


1st  of  August,  he  assumed  that  I  ought  to  have  saluted  him 
as  Vice-Admiral." 

[The  Rear- Admiral  here  enumerates  six  different  special 
reasons  for  not  saluting  the  said  flag  ;  and  we  fear  somewhat 
tediously,  for  which  reason  we  spare  the  reader  this  concate 
nation  ;  the  only  important  fact  being,  that  the  Prince  of 
Nassau  endeavoured  to  make  the  Court  of  Russia  believe 
that  the  denial  of  this  piece  of  courtesy  was  the  only  subject 
of  dispute  between  himself  and  Paul  Jones.  We  again  re 
sume  the  narrative.] 


The  Capitau  Pacha  sounding. 


"  The  Capitan  Pacha  came  out  from  day  to  day,  to  sound 
and  reconnoitre,  in  his  kirlangitz,  which  sailed  like  the  wind, 
and  always  displayed  an  Admiral's  flag.  As  the  block-fort 
and  the  battery  on  the  tongue  of  land  at  Kinbourn  were  only 
constructed  of  bags  of  sand,  and  were  neither  protected  by 
ditch  nor  palisade,  I  was  afraid  that  the  Capitan  Pacha 
might  try  to  carry  them  by  a  sudden  descent,  which  he 
could  have  done  by  landing  five  hundred  men. 


256  THE  COMMAND  OFFERED  TO  JONES. 

"  General  Suwaroff  had  been  dangerously  wounded  in  a 
sortie  made  by  the  garrison  of  Oczakow,  and  had  come  to 
Kinbourn.  I  convinced  him  that  the  block-fort  and  battery 
were  menaced,  and  as  he  had  a  greater  quantity  of  chevaux- 
de-frize  than  he  required,  I  suggested  that  he  should  employ 
what  was  superfluous  in  surrounding  the  block-fort  and  bat 
tery.  The  general  gave  orders  accordingly,  and  I  ranged 
all  my  gun-boats  and  bomb-vessels  right  by  the  strip  of 
ground  between  the  block-fort  and  the  battery.  The  sand 
served  them  as  a  parapet,  so  that  there  was  a  line  of  fire 
continued  from  the  point  on  to  the  battery.  The  small  craft 
were,  besides,  always  ready  to  change  their  position  at  the 
first  movement  of  the  enemy,  and  I  placed  the  squadron  so 
advantageously  as  to  communicate  with  the  block-fort  and 
the  battery,  without  confining  their  fire,  and  to  keep  back 
the  enemy  by  a  cross-fire,  on  entering  the  channel  of  the 
Liman  ;  so  that,  though  we  were  very  weak  compared  with 
the  Turkish  fleet,  the  Capitan  Pacha  never  either  attempted 
to  make  a  descent,  or  to  force  the  passage  of  the  entrance  of 
the  Liman. 

"  The  Prince-Marshal  having  ordered  Rear  Admiral  Wog- 
nowitch  to  sail  from  Sevastopol  with  the  fleet  under  his 
command,  and  that  officer  having  raised  obstacles  because 
his  force  was  not,  he  conceived,  powerful  enough  to  attack 
that  under  the  command  of  the  Capitan  Pacha,  his  Highness 
sent  me  a  letter,  written  by  his  chief  secretary,  Brigadier 
Popoff,  on  the  19th  August  (old  style,)  proposing  that  I  should 
go  to  Sevastopole  to  take  command  of  the  fleet.  It  may  be 
remembered  that  I  was  brought  to  Russia  to  command  all 
the  naval  force  in  the  Black  Sea,  consequently  this  proposi 
tion  did  not  surprise  me.  Had  the  Prince-Marshal  ordered 
me  to  go,  I  would  have  proceeded  immediately,  but  I  could 
not  seem  as  if  I  sought  to  be  sent.  In  the  first  place,  the 
naval  signals  used  in  that  fleet  were  imperfect  and  very 
limited.  2dly,  My  naval  signals  had  not  yet  been  translated 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  LODKA.  257 

into  the  Russian  language,  as  no  attention  had  been  given  to 
my  request  for  a  person  capable  of  translating  them.  3dly,  I 
was  acquainted  with  no  one  in  the  fleet,  and  I  was  aware 
that  the  Prince-Marshal  wished  that  it  should  come  out  the 
very  day  after  my  arrival  at  Sevastopole.  4thly,  The  fleet 
had  been  compelled  to  fly  before  that  of  the  Capitan  Pacha, 
at  a  time  when  he  had  two  thousand  fewer  good  seamen. 
5thly,  The  fleet  at  Sevastopole  was  much  as  before,  but  that 
of  the  Capitan  Pacha  was  stronger  in  craft,  and  had  all  the 
men  replaced  that  had  been  lost  in  the  affair  of  the  Liman. 
Gthty,  I  had  just  received  preparatory  orders  from  the  Prince- 
Marshal  to  attack  Fort  Hassan  Pacha ;  and  I  hoped  to  show 
him  the  difference  between  my  fashion  of  attack  and  that  of 
the  1st  of  July.  I  replied,  in  answer  to  his  letter,  that  being 
entirely  devoted  to  the  good  of  the  state,  his  highness  would 
find  me  eager  to  fulfil  his  orders.  It  was  said,  that  some  days 
afterwards  the  Prince-Marshal  sent  positive  orders  to  Admi 
ral  Wognowitch  to  come  out,  but  that  he  always  found 
means  for  not  coming  to  close  quarters  with  the  Capitan 
Pacha. 


Capture  of  tho  Lodka. 


"  On  the  30th  August  the  Turks  took  a  small  lodka,  freighted 
with  water-melons,  belonging  to  the  merchants  of  Kinbourn. 

22* 


S>58  GUN-BOAT  OFFICER. 

In  coming  down  the  Liman  the  people  on  board  had  been 
foolish  enough  to  pass  too  close  to  Oczakow. 

"  To  '  punish  the  Turks'  for  this,  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  at 
evening,  made  his  flotilla  advance  to  assault  Oczakow ! 

"  I  sent  my  secretary  to  head -quarters,  and  in  the  mean 
while  assembled  the  commanders  of  divisions  of  my  gun 
boats,  and  bomb-vessels,  and  ordered  them  to  bring  forward 
their  divisions,  and  form  in  line  of  battle  between  the  squad 
ron  and  Oczakow,  ready  to  attack  the  Fort  of  Hassan  Pacha 
the  moment  orders  should  arrive. 

"  Upon  the  return  of  the  Capitan  Pacha,  M.  Littlepage, 
Chamberlain  to  the  King  of  Poland,  being  then  with  the 
Prince-Marshal,  had  solicited  and  obtained  leave  to  command 
a  division  of  my  gun-boats. 

"  Night  being  come  on,  the  chiefs  of  division  wishing  to 
bring  forward  their  boats,  found  that  thirteen  of  them  had 
quitted  their  posts,  against  the  most  positive  orders  to  make 
no  movement  without  their  commanders  of  division.  This 
movement  had  been  occasioned  by  the  rashness  of  a  Greek 
lieutenant  belonging  to  the  division  of  M.  Littlepage.  The 
boat  of  this  officer  had  fired  eight  shots  against  the  place, 
and  another  boat  six  shots,  but  no  one  else  had  fired.  As  this 
lieutenant  was  the  most  to  blame,  I  deprived  him  of  his  com 
mand,  and  sent  him  to  head-quarters,  which  was  required  by 
the  Prince-Marshal. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau,  who  had  very  idly  wasted  a  great 
deal  of  ammunition,  pretended  that  my  boats  had  prevented 
him  from  taking  the  whole  Turkish  flotilla ! 

"  The  Greek  lieutenant  \vhom  I  had  disgraced,  instead 
of  being  punished,  was  promoted  to  the  command  of  a  double 
chaloupe,  heavily  armed.  M.  Littlepage  gave  a  particular 
account  of  the  whole  affair  in  a  letter  to  the  Grand  General 
of  Poland. 

"  A  few  days  after  this,  the  Prince-Marshal  sent  Rear- Ad 
miral  Mordwinoff  on  board  the  Wolodimer,  to  assemble  all 


COUNCIL  HELD.  259 

the  captains  and  master  pilots  of  the  squadron  to  hold  a  coun 
cil  on  the  means  of  effecting  a  junction  between  the  squadron 
of  Cherson  and  the  fleet  of  Sevastopole.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  Prince-Marshal  had  earnestly  entreated  this  officer  to 
take  the  affair  upon  himself,  and  that  he  positively  declined  it. 
I  can  say  nothing  on  this  head  ;  I  only  know  that  it  was  a 
delicate  step  in  relation  to  me,  to  send  another  officer  on 
board  my  ship  to  hold  a  council ;  and,  above  all,  without 
having  apprised  me  either  by  speech  or  writing.  If  I  had 
been  stickling,  I  would  have  put  this  officer  under  arrest,  as 
he  could  show  no  authority  nor  precedent  for  holding  a 
council  where  I  commanded.  But  as  I  was  influenced  by  the 
good  of  the  service  above  every  personal  cnnsideration,  I  re 
ceived  Admiral  Mordwinoff  most  amicably,  and  after  dinner 
assembled  the  officers  for  the  necessary  consultation.  Many 
difficulties  presented  themselves  to  their  minds  against  the  pro 
posed  junction ;  but  as  it  was  known  that  the  Prince-Marshal 
was  determined  on  the  measure,  it  was  agreed  that  it  could 
not  be  effected  but  at  Hagdge-bay,  upon  the  coast,  between 
Beresane  and  the  Danube,  at  the  distance  of  fifty  verstes* 
from  the  point  of  Kinbourn.  I  raised  no  obstacle.  I  only 
observed,  that  since  it  was  pressingly  necessary  to  beat  the 
advanced  guard  of  the  enemy  before  we  could  effect  the  pro 
posed  junction,  it  was  indispensable  to  station  the  squadron 
previously  in  the  road  of  Oczakow,  and  to  sail  from  thence 
with  the  wind  from  N.  to  N.N.W.,  to  avoid  being  attacked  on 
the  way  by  the  grand  fleet  of  the  Turks,  and  also  to  keep  to 
the  leeward  till  the  junction  was  effected. 

"  It  was  only  a  few  days  previously  that  preparations  had 
been  begun  to  complete  the  arming  of  the  Wolodimer  and 
Alexander. 

"  During  this  time  her  Imperial  Majesty  had  sent  twenty- 
four  gold  swords  to  head-quarters,  to  be  distributed  among 
the  officers  on  account  of  the  battle  of  the  Liman.  The 

*  A  vcrste  is  equal  to  3500  English  feet. 


260  HEAVY  ARMAMENTS. 

Prince-Marshal  himself  received  a  gold  sword,  enriched  with 
diamonds  and  emeralds ;  and  the  Prince  of  Nassau  got  one 
ornamented  with  a  row  of  diamonds.  There  were  a  number 
of  silver  medals  sent  at  the  same  time  to  be  distributed  among 
the  soldiers  and  seamen.  The  swords  had  not  yet  been  dis 
tributed,  but  the  medals  were  all  given  to  the  men  of  the  flo 
tilla,  and  not  one  to  any  man  in  the  squadron.  It  is  usual  to 
give  subalterns  the  more  merit  the  more  they  are  exposed  to 
personal  danger.  The  crews  of  the  squadron  had  often  hauled 
the  flotilla  totally  uncovered,  and  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the 
enemy,  whilst  the  people  of  the  flotilla  were  screened  by 
parapets  made  of  bags  of  wool,  by  which  the  vessels  were 
surrounded. 

"  On  the  18th  September  I  received  a  secret  order  from  the 
Prince-Marshal  to  attack  the  advanced-guard  of  the  enemy, 
anchored  under  Beresane.  His  Highness  proposed  to  make 
the  attack  with  the  five  frigates  which  had  been  sent  to 
Glouboca  to  be  mounted  as  batteries ;  and  the  frigates  were 
to  be  supported  by  all  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron,  save 
the  Wolodimer  and  the  Alexander,  the  arming  of  which  went 
on  very  slowly  on  account  of  difficulties  on  the  part  of  the 
Admiralty.  Two  of  the  frigates,  the  Scoroi  and  the  Boris- 
thenes,  had  already  rejoined  the  squadron.  Before  the  equip 
ments  of  those  frigates  were  altered,  they  carried  more  guns 
than  are  ever  put,  either  by  the  French  or  English,  into  ships 
of  the  same  kind.  The  Scoroi,  for  example,  carried  forty 
guns,  and  in  England  they  would  not  have  put  more  than 
thirty-two  into  her.  She  now  carried  sixteen  thirty-six 
pounders,  and  four  licornes,  eighteen-pounders." 

[Here  follows  a  detailed  account  of  the  armament  of  this 
frigate,  and  the  Rear-Admiral's  opinion  of  the  best  way  of 
arming  ships,  which  he  appears  himself  to  think  not  much  to 
the  point,  for  he  returns  to  the  narrative  of  the  campaign  by 
saying  as  much.] 

"The  five  frigates, of  which  I  have  perhaps  spoken  too  much, 


PLAN  OF  ATTACK.  261 

appeared  to  me  very  fit  to  place  behind  a  stoccado,  or  bar. 
But  I  never  would  make  choice  of  ships  of  this  kind  for  the 
sea-service.  The  first  broadside  is  all  that  is  to  be  feared  from 
them. 

"  I  replied  in  writing  to  the  proposition  of  the  Prince-Mar 
shal  for  attacking  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Turks  near  Bere- 
sane,  and  afterwards  made  a  plan  of  attack  be  drawn  out  for 
his  inspection.  He  was  much  pleased  with  it.  As  it  was  neces 
sary  to  take  advantage  of  a  northerly  wind  to  effect  the  en 
terprise,  I  proposed  to  the  Prince-Marshal  to  place  the  frigates 
in  the  road  as  soon  as  they  arrived  from  Glouboca,  to  serve, 
while  waiting  the  attack  on  the  line,  as  a  permament  outer 
blockade  between  Oczakow  and  the  enemy.  His  Highness 
said  it  was  not  yet  time  for  this,  and  ordered  me  to  place  them 
in  a  line  with  the  other  vessels  of  my  squadron,  so  as  to  make 
an  imposing  figure  in  the  channel  of  the  Liman. 

"  In  the  end  of  the  month,  the  Turkish  fleet  set  sail  in  the 
night  followed  by  all  the  vessels  that  had  lain  under  Beresane ; 
nor  did  we  perceive  it  till  late  the  next  morning.  The  Capi- 
tan  Pacha  returned  in  about  thirty-six  hours,  and  resumed  the 
position  he  had  left.  The  only  difference  was,  that  he  brought 
in  some  additional  small  vessels,  and  that  he  considerably 
reinforced  his  advanced  guard  under  Beresane.  As  our  flo 
tilla,  which  ought  to  have  blockaded  the  road,  and  cut  off  the 
communication  with  the  small  vessels  on  that  side,  were  only 
there  occasionally,  as  if  by  caprice,  it  was  quite  natural  for 
the  Turks  to  profit  by  its  absence,  and  go  out  and  in  when 
they  found  the  way  clear. 

"  The  flotilla  being  to  leeward,  between  my  squadron  and 
Kinbourn,  on  the  8th  October,  the  Capitan  Pacha  sent  off  in 
the  evening  three  vessels  of  his  advanced  guard,  which  en 
tered  Oczakow  unmolested,  by  an  open  passage.  Our  flotilla 
made  no  movement.  I  made  in  attempt  to  intercept  the 
enemy's  progress  with  my  gun-boats,  which  I  caused  to  be 
hauled  to  windward  by  the  ship's  boats  of  the  squadron. 


262  ATTACK  ON  OCZAKOW. 

But  the  wind  being  high,  they  could  not  bring  them  to  attack. 
Our  batteries  nearestto  Oczakow  fired  on  the  three  Turkish 
vessels,  but  without  being  able  to  arrest  their  progress.  It 
was  now  dark;  and  moreover,  the  distance  between  these 
batteries  and  the  block-fort,  on  the  one  side  of  Kinbourn, 
being  seven  verstes,  the  land  batteries  never  could  have  pre 
vented  either  the  entrance  or  exit  of  small  vessels. 

"  One  of  the  Turkish  ships  had  the  folly  to  cast  anchor  in 
the  shallows  of  Fort  Hassan  Pacha ;  and  at  daybreak  on  the 
ninth,  being  within  shot  of  our  most  advanced  land-battery, 
was  struck  between  wind  and  water,  and  run  down ;  the 
other  two  vessels  got  in  without  difficulty.  I  have  already 
mentioned,  that  on  the  18th  of  August  I  received  an  order  to 
be  in  readiness  to  attack  the  fortress  of  Hassan  Pacha  with 
my  bomb-vessels,  and  the  chaloupes  armed  with  licornes  and 
mortars.  I  expected  from  day  to  day  an  order  for  action, 
and  had  in  consequence  bestowed  much  pains  in  training  my 
men  to  the  necessary  evolutions ;  but  the  final  orders  never 
arrived. 

"  The  Prince  of  Nassau  having  run  down  my  plan  of  attack, 
it  was  set  aside ;  and  by  a  new  arrangement,  which  I  was 
commanded  to  form  with  General  Muller,  Commander-in- 
chief  of  Artillery,  I  was  destined  to  assault  the  entrenchment, 
and  the  Turkish  battery  on  the  shore  of  the  road. 

"  On  the  9th  of  October  the  flotilla  advanced  from  the  shores 
of  Kinbourn,  and  attacked  Oczakow ;  but  this  attack  was 
conducted  and  ended  in  the  very  same  manner  as  that  of  the 
30th  August,  save  that  a  small  vessel  of  the  Turkish  flotilla, 
which  lay  farther  out  than  any  of  the  others,  ran  aground  on 
the  shallows  of  Fort  Hassan  Pacha. 

"  On  the  10th  of  October  I  received  another  preparatory 
order ;  and  soon  afterwards  was  ordered  to  give  up  all  my 
gun-boats  to  the  flotilla.  Towards  evening  I  went  to  head 
quarters  to  ascertain  what  was  to  be  done  regarding  these 
boats.  The  Prince-Marshal  at  this  time  told  me  he  had  the 


(2G3) 


LIEUTENANT  EDWARDS. 


265 


Flotilla  Action. 


strongest  desire  to  see  pitched  overboard  a  large  piece  of  ar 
tillery  placed  on  the  fore-part  of  the  vessel  of  the  Turkish  flo 
tilla  that  stood  farthest  out,  and  which  had  run  aground.  I 
imagined  at  the  time  that  there  was  no  other  vessel  run 
aground  save  the  one  in  the  road,  at  the  distance  of  a  verste 
from  the  fortress  of  Hassan  Pacha ;  so  I  said  the  thing  was 
quite  easy ;  for  although  the  Turks  should  come  up  in  force 
to  defend  the  vessel,  there  would  always  be  time  to  spike  the 
piece  of  cannon. 

"  It  was  night  when  I  undertook  this  little  enterprise.  As 
I  did  not  imagine  the  Prince-Marshal  attached  so  much  im 
portance  to  it  as  to  wish  that  I  should  conduct  it  in  person,  I 
confided  it  to  Lieutanant  Edwards,  a  brave  and  an  intelligent 
man,  whom  I  wished  to  requite  for  past  services.  On  the  1  st 
of  July  he  had  followed  me  throughout,  and  was  a  lortg  time 
with  me  in  the  galley  of  the  Capitan  Pacha.  He  had  followed 
23 


266  NIGHT  EXPEDITION. 

me  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of  July,  and  had  boarded,  and  cut 
the  cable  of  the  vessel  which  I  took  opposite  the  fortress  of 
Hassan  Pacha.  He  had  assisted  me  some  days  afterwards, 
when,  by  orders  of  the  Prince-Marshal,  we  made  trial  of  bom 
barding  the  fort  from  one  of  the  bomb-vessels;  from  which 
service  we  had  some  difficulty  in  withdrawing,  as  the  wind, 
which  rose  in  a  moment,  kept  us  for  a  long  while  under  the 
fire  of  the  enemy's  musketry,  which  wounded  some  of  our 
men. 

"  Mr.  Edwards  returned  before  daybreak,  without  having 
succeeded.  He  said  there  were  a  great  many  men  in  the 
ship,  who  fired  on  him,  and  that  he  durst  not  board  her,  he 
was  so  ill  supported.  I  was  vexed  that  he  had  failed ;  and 
in  my  report  to  the  Prince-Marshal  I  said  that  I  would 
conduct  the  enterprise  myself  next  night,  if  that  would 
satisfy  him. 

"  The  Prince-Marshal  held  me  at  my  word ;  but  it  was 
eleven  at  night  when  Mr.  Edwards  returned  with  the  order. 
The  wind,  which  was  high,  was  quite  against  me,  as  well  as 
a  strong  tide ;  and  I  would  have  deferred  the  attempt,  if  I  h'ad 
not  conceived  my  honour  pledged.  I  was  led  to  hope,  that 
after  midnight  the  wind  might  fall,  and  the  strength  of  the 
tide  lessen,  if  it  did  not  change.  The  night  was  very  dark, 
and  the  rain  fell  in  torrents.  I  waited  till  two  o'clock,  when 
the  moon  rose.  I  had  with  me  five  armed  boats,  and  I  cal 
culated  on  being  followed  by  four  batteaux  saporoses,  and  by 
one  of  the  armed  vessels  I  had  taken  from  the  Turks ;  but  it 
was  impossible  to  haul  them  against  the  wind,  and  I  was  com 
pelled  to  go  on  as  I  best  could,  with  only  my  five  boats.  I 
have  noticed  that  our  flotilla  had  run  down  a  small  Turkish 
vessel  in  the  shallows  of  the  fortress  of  Hassan  Pacha,  but  I 
did  not  perceive  this  till  the  moment  after  I  had  despatched 
Mr.  Edwards  to  head-quarters,  because  the  vessel  lay  so  near 
the  fortress,  where  the  water  is  of  little  depth,  that  it  had  only 
sunk  a  foot  or  fifteen  inches,  and  consequently  appeared  as  if 


NIGHT  EXPEDITION. 


267 


Jones's  Night  Expedition. 


still  afloat.  As  the  Prince-Marshal  had  only  spoken  to  me 
of  the  farthest  out  of  the  Turkish  flotilla,  I  now  believed  he 
meant  the  one  nearest  the  fortress,  in  which  idea  I  was  con 
firmed  by  Mr.  Edwards,  at  his  return  from  head-quarters,  tell 
ing  me  he  had  heard  ashore  that  the  vessel  run  down  in  the 
road  had  been  visited,  but  that  nothing  had  been  found  there. 
I  rowed  for  the  vessel  nearest  the  fortress,  which  carried  a 
large  cannon  in  her  bow  ;  but,  after  having  fatigued  my  row 
ers,  I  was  vexed  to  see  daylight  appear,  whilst  I  had  still  more 
than  a  verste  to  go  before  I  could  reach  the  vessel.  I  returned 
on  board  my  own  ship,  to  prevent  a  useless  alarm,  intending 
to  renew  the  attempt  next  night. 

"  Without  waiting  to  receive  my  report,  the  Prince-Marshal 
sent  me  orders  '  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  for  he  had  entrusted 
it  to  other  ships.'  There  was  fine  weather  on  the  night  be 
tween  the  12th  and  13th,  but  the  'other  ships'  did  nothing; 
and  the  Turks  availed  themselves  of  an  open  way  to  bring 


268  TURKISH  VESSEL  BURNT. 

out  all  their  flotilla,  which  rejoined  the  ships  of  the  advanced 
guard  under  Beresane. 

"  Some  days  afterwards,  a  colonel  of  Cossacks  boarded 
the  vessel  run  down  in  the  road,  and  set  fire  to  it,  for  which 
he  received  public  thanks. 


Burning  of  a  Turkish  vessel. 

"  On  the  13th  the  Prince-Marshal  wished  to  establish  a  per 
manent  line  of  blockade  in  the  road,  by  placing  my  frigates 
there,  and  some  other  vessels.  He  wrote  me  a  letter  on  this 
subject,  which  strongly  affected  me,  and  to  which  I  replied 
next  day,  with  perhaps  rather  too  much  freedom  and  warmth.* 

*  This  letter,  taken  in  connexion  with  the  circumstances  which  preceded  it, 
was  the  ultimate  cause  of  the  dismissal  of  Paul  Jones  before  the  campaign 
ended.  His  recall  to  St.  Petersburgh,  under  pretence  of  being  employed  in 
the  North  Sea,  in  name  of  the  Empress,  but  really  ordered  by  Potemkin, 
was  a  mere  piece  of  jugglery  to  get  rid  of  him,  of  which  he  was  not  even  the 
dupe.  The  following  is  an  extract  of  his  letter,  and  a  copy  of  Potemkin's 
order,  which  provoked  it : — 

"  Order  to  Rear- Admiral  Chevalier  Paul  Jones. 

"  As  it  is  seen  that  the  Capitan  Pacha  comes  in  his  kirlangich  from  the 
grand  fleet  to  the  smaller  vessels,  and  as  before  quitting  this  he  may  attempt 
something,  T  request  your  Excellence,  the  Capitan  Pacha  having  actually  a 


QUARREL  WITH  POTEMKIN.  269 

This  occasioned  an  interchange  of  letters,  which  was  only 
terminated  on  the  18th  by  the  arrival  of  Admiral  Mordwinoff, 
to  take  command  of  the  squadron  and  the  flotilla ;  for  the 
Prince  of  Nassau  had  set  off  for  Warsaw  some  days  after  his 
affair  of  the  9th,  with  which  the  Prince-Marshal  had  been 
much  dissatisfied.  I  at  the  same  time  received  orders  from 
her  Imperial  Majesty  to  go  to  St.  Petersburgh  to  be  employed 
in  the  North  Sea.  Sweden  had  declared  war  against  Russia 
at  the  commencement  of  the  campaign,  and  Admiral  Greig, 

greater  number  of  vessels,  to  hold  yourself  in  readiness  to  receive  him 
courageously,  and  drive  him  back.  I  require  that  this  be  done  without  loss 
of  time ;  if  not,  you  will  be  made  answerable  for  every  neglect. 

"  PRINCE  POTEMKIN  TAURICIEN. 
"  13th  October,  1783." 

To  this  truly  Russian  order  Jones  has  affixed  the  following  characteristic 
note  : — "  A  warrior  is  always  ready,  and  I  had  not  come  there  an  apprentice." 
His  reply  to  this  order  led  to  his  instant  dismissal.  Potemkin  was  a  person 
in  no  shape  to  be  trifled  with  ;  and  though  Jones  at  first  attributed  his  want  of 
favour  in  this  powerful  quarter  to  the  ill  office  of  those  around  Potemkin,  he 
came  to  see  that  much  of  what  he  suffered  emanated  directly  from  the  im 
patience,  jealousy,  and  caprice  of  his  spoiled  tyrant.  When  the  Rear- Admiral 
went  to  head-quarters  to  take  leave,  Potemkin  disdained  and  disclaimed  the 
insinuation  of  being  influenced  by  those  around  him.  "  Do  not  imagine  any 
one  leads  me, — leads  me !"  he  swore  and  stamping  with  his  foot,  added, 
"  Not  even  the  Empress  !"  Fatal  as  the  reply  to  the  above  order  proved  to 
Jones,  and  deeply  as  he  regretted  it.  the  reader  must  be  pleased  to  see  that  he 
retained  so  much  of  his  original  spirit  as  appears  in  this  singular  document. 
4i  I  have  always,"  he  says,  "  conformed  myself  immediately,  without  murmur 
ing,  and  most  exactly,  to  the  commands  of  your  Highness  ;  and  on  occasions 
when  you  have  deigned  to  leave  anything  to  my  own  discretion,  I  have  been 
exceeedingly  flattered,  and  believe  you  have  had  no  occasion  to  repent.  At 
present,  in  case  the  Capitan  Pacha  does  resolve  on  attempting  anything  before 
his  departure,  I  can  give  assurance  beforehand,  that  the  brave  officers  and 
crews  I  have  the  honour  to  command  will  do  their  duty  '  courageously,' 
though  they  have  not  yet  been  rewarded  for  the  important  services  they  have 
performed  for  the  empire  under  my  eyes.  I  answer  for  this  with  my  honour, 
and  will  explain  myself  fairly  on  this  delicate  point  at  the  end  of  the  cam 
paign.  In  the  meanwhile,  I  may  merely  say,  that  it  is  upon  the  sacred 
promise  I  have  given  them  of  demanding  justice  from  your  Highness  in  their 
behalf,  that  they  have  consented  to  stifle  their  grievances  and  keep  silent." 
23* 


270  THE  GOLD  SWORDS. 

who  had  commanded  the  Russian  fleet,  having  died,  I  was 
assured  her  Majesty  had  very  important  views  in  recalling 
me.  Yet  I  could  not  but  feel  grieved  to  be  deprived  of  my 
command  when  the  campaign,  so  far  as  regarded  maritime 
operations,  was  so  nearly  concluded. 

"  As  soon  as  the  Prince  of  Nassau  went  off,  all  the  gold 
swords  were  distributed  among  the  officers  of  the  flotilla.  It 
may  easily  be  imagined  that  this  transaction,  as  well  as 
several  things  which  preceded  it,  were  not  calculated  to  give 
me  much  pleasure.  The  capture  of  the  Turkish  galley,  and 
the  boarding  the  galley  of  the  Capitan  Pacha  on  the  1st  of 
July,  were  without  dispute  the  most  brilliant  actions  of  the 
campaign  of  the  Liman.  The  credit  of  them  was  most  un 
justly  given  to  the  flotilla,  and  my  officers  remained  without 
any  reward  for  the  important  services  which  they  had  ren 
dered  in  these  affairs,  laying  aside  those  of  the  18th  June,  the 
30th  of  August,  and  the  9th  of  October,  from  which  they 
reaped  no  advantage.  After  the  gold  swords  had  been  dis 
tributed,  I  myself  heard  several  of  the  officers  who  got  them 
express  their  astonishment,  not  being  able  to  guess  for  what 
they  had  been  so  highly  rewarded. 

"  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  all  the  large  vessels  which  the 
flotilla  attacked  were  previously  aground.  In  this  case,  they 
might  be  compared  to  men  with  their  feet  nailed  to  planks, 
and  their  hands  tied  behind  their  backs.  This  is  the  only  in 
stance  in  history  of  ships  aground,  and  out  of  the  possibility 
of  being  re-captured,  being  attacked  and  destroyed,  with  their 
crews,  by  combustibles.  It  may  be  recollected,  that  during 
the  whole  campaign  the  flotilla  had  not  taken  even  one  small 
vessel  afloat.  Since  a  very  mistaken  notion  has  been  formed 
of  the  vessels  taken  in  the  Liman  on  the  17th  and  18th  of 
June,  which  have  been  called  "  ships  of  the  line,"  it  is  but 
right  to  say  that  I  made  Lieutenant  Fox  measure  the  hulls  of 
the  two  largest,  and  we  found  that  the  size  of  the  one  was 
130,  and  of  the  other  135  feet  English  in  total  lensrth,  in  the 

O  O 


NASSAU'S  EXPLOITS.  271 

line  of  their  first  battery.  Apply  this  to  naval  architecture. 
Yet  the  Prince  of  Nassau  had  been  rewarded  in  a  brilliant 
manner  for  '  having  destroyed  six,  and  captured  two  ships  of 
the  line.1  The  only  three-masted  vessel  which  escaped  burn 
ing  upon  the  18th  June  was  a  corvette  of  one  battery,  and 
four  pieces  between  decks.  I  had  almost  forgot  that  there 
was  one  small  brigantine  of  fourteen  three-pounders.  Such 
were  two  vessels  of  the  line  that  were  captured,  and  the  latter 
was  wrecked  next  day  by  the  carelessness  of  those  who 
had  the  charge  of  her.  In  place  of  eight  vessels  of  the  line, 
the  Capitan  Pacha  had  come  into  the  Liman  with  only  a  de 
tachment  of  corvettes,  or  large  merchantmen,  frigates,  bomb- 
ships,  and  other  craft.  Only  four  of  the  corvettes  carried 
guns  between  decks.  Of  this  number  was  the  vessel  saved. 
On  one  of  these  four  vesssels  was  displayed  a  square  flag ; 
but  there  was  the  same  on  the  galley  and  kirlangich  of  the 
Capitan  Pacha.  It  has  been  already  said  that  the  grand  fleet 
without  Kinbourn  displayed  three  Admirals'  flags.  From  the 
account  of  the  campaign  given  by  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  it 
appears  that  the  Capitan  Pacha  had  lost  his  best  ship,  manned 
with  the  picked  men  of  his  fleet,  and  his  only  flag  as  Grand 
Admiral,  while  it  is  well  known  that  at  the  end  of  the  campaign 
he  went  back  to  Constantinople  with  all  the  ships  of  the  line 
he  had  at  the  commencement  of  it. 

"  As  it  had  been  told  me  that  some  ill-intentioned  persons  in 
the  army  had  said  that  I  had  been  deprived  of  my  command 
because  the  officers  were  unwilling  to  serve  under  me,  I 
endeavoured  to  procure  testimonials  to  the  contrary,  and 
have  seen  with  regret  that  the  mind  is  not  always  free ;  and 
that  it  sometimes  dare  not  render  homage  to  truth.* 

*  In  the  service  in  which  Paul  Jones  was  engaged  that  was  impossible, 
which  in  any  service  requires  considerable  moral  courage.  His  Russian 
Secretary  drew  up  for  the  signature  of  the  officers  a  testimony  in  favour  of 
"Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones,  Chevalier  of  the  Military  Order  of  Merit,  the 
Order  of  St.  Anne,  and  of  Cincinnatus ;"  which,  says  the  Secretary,  they,  for 


272  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  PRINCE. 

"  The  last  of  the  five  frigates,  called  '  Sea  Batteries,'  did 
not  join  the  squadron  till  the  19th  of  October,  and  the  same 
day  Admiral  Mordwinoff  placed  the  line  of  blockade  in  the 
road  much  farther  out  than  it  ever  had  been,  so  that  the 
vessels  masked  the  fire  of  all  the  guns  on  shore  on  both 
sides."  [Here  the  Rear-Admiral  enters  into  certain  profes 
sional  criticisms  on  his  successor's  arrangements,  which  are 
neither  peculiarly  interesting,  nor  yet  very  good-natured,  but 
which  may,  nevertheless,  be  very  just.  We  pass  them,  and 
again  take  up  the  personal  narrative.] 

"  Having  reflected  that  the  season  was  too  far  advanced 
to  render  my  services  necessary  in  the  North  Sea  before  the 
following  year,  I  wrote  to  the  Prince-Marshal,  offering  to 
continue  my  services  till  the  end  of  the  campaign.  I  was 
indebted  to  him  for  the  Order  of  St.  Anne,  and  I  have  a 
heart  naturally  grateful.*  He  made  his  Secretary,  M.  PopofF, 
write  me,  that  since  I  was  recalled  by  the  order  of  the  Em 
press,  it  was  necessary  I  should  obey. 

"  I  was,  however,  invited  to  head-quarters  to  take  leave, 
and  to  receive  a  letter  from  the  Prince-Marshal  for  her  Impe 
rial  Majesty.  As  I  was  much  interested  personally,  and  still 
more  so  in  relation  to  my  officers,  I  after  dinner  spoke  freely, 
and  told  M.  PopofF  all  that  was  on  my  mind.  This  gentle 
man  repeated  all  I  said  to  the  Prince-Marshal.  He  was 
offended  at  first,  but  afterwards  he  sent  for  me  to  talk  with 
him.  Without  failing  in  the  respect  due  to  him,  I  spoke  very 
freely.  I  told  him  he  had  played  an  unfair  game  at  the 
opening  of  the  campaign  in  dividing  the  command  in  the 
Liman  in  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  country ;  and 

powerful  reasons,  declined  to  subscribe,  though  they  at  the  same  time  owned 
there  was  nothing  in  it  contrary  to  pure  truth.  It  was  drawn  up  on  the  very 
eve  of  Paul  Jones's  departure  for  St.  Petersburgh.  The  captuin  of  his  late 
ship,  the  Wolodimer,  subscribed  it,  and  also  one  of  the  other  officers. 

*  Paul  Jones  never  appears  to  heave  had  a  true  idea  of  the  whole  character 
of  Potcmkin  till  long  afterwards.  Potcmkin  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  monsters  that  ever  lived, — a  jumble  of  every  moral  contra- 
diction. 


PRINCE'S  OFFER  DECLINED.  273 

that,  if  I  had  not  resolved  to  sacrifice  my  own  feelings  in 
order  to  manage  the  persons  he  had  given  me  for  colleagues, 
the  campaign  would  have  taken  a  very  different  turn.  He 
confessed  it,  but  said  it  was  too  late  to  think  of  this  now. 
He  then  said  he  would  be  glad  to  see  me  fixed  in  Russia, 
and  that  he  was  disposed  to  give  me  solid  proofs  of  his  esteem, 
both  now  and  in  future.  I  showed  him  the  testimonial  of  the 
captain  of  the  Wolodimer,  and  some  other  papers,  to  con 
vince  him  that  he  had  neither  done  justice  to  me  nor  to  the 
squadron.  He  said  the  Prince  of  Nassau  pretended  all  was 
done  by  himself;  '  but  I  have  never,'  said  he,  *  been  deceived 
in  him.  I  have  always  known  him  for  what  he  is.'  He  pro 
posed  that  I  should  go  to  Tagenroc  to  equip  and  command  a 
squadron  he  was  building  there ;  but,  as  I  had  been  brought 
to  Russia  to  take  the  chief  command  in  the  Black  Sea,  and 
had  received  orders  from  the  Empress  to  repair  to  St.  Peters- 
burgh,  I  declined  the  offer.  I  only  entreated  that  he  would 
consider  the  services  of  my  officers,  and  give  them  the 
seniority  they  had  lost  by  the  promotion  of  those  officers  of 
the  flotilla  who  did  not  belong  to  the  naval  service.  Admiral 
Mordwinoff  made  the  same  request,  and  the  Prince  promised 
to  do  them  justice. 

"  Two  days  afterwards  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Prince- 
Marshal  for  the  Empress,  in  which  he  noticed  the  zeal  and 
anxiety  I  had  ever  shown  for  her  service,  and  to  render 
myself  worthy  of  her  favour.* 

*  We  give  this  letter.  It  is  a  good  specimen  of  the  sort  of  thing ;  nor  is  it 
possible  to  believe  that  a  man  so  acute  as  Paul  Jones  was  duped  or  hood 
winked  by  this  fashion  of  speaking  and  writing,  though  for  political  reasons 
lie  suffered  himself  to  appear  so : — 

"  MADAM, — In  sending  to  the  high  throne  of  your  Imperial  Majesty  Rear- 
Admiral  M.  Paul  Jones,  I  take,  with  submission,  the  liberty  of  certifying  the 
eagerness  and  zeal  which  he  has  ever  shown  for  the  service  of  your  Imperial 
Majesty,  and  to  render  himself  worthy  of  the  high  favour  of  your  Imperial 
Majesty.  '*  From  the  most  faithful  subject  of  your 

Imperial  Majesty, 

"  PRTNCK  POTKMKIN  TAURICIEN. 
"  Hl?t  October,  17PH." 


274  CAPTURE  OF  BERESANE. 

"  On  the  4th  November,  the  Capitan  Pacha  having  with 
drawn  his  advanced  guard  in  the  night,  set  sail  in  the  morn 
ing  with  his  whole  force,  entering  first  Varna,  and  afterwards 
Constantinople,  with  every  ship  of  the  line  he  had  at  the 
opening  of  the  campaign.  It  is  singular  that  this  enterprising 
commander  did  not  attempt  to  force  the  entrance  of  the 
Liman ;  for  Admiral  Mordwinoff  had  placed  the  squadron  in 
so  exposed  and  disadvantageous  a  situation,  that  the  fire  of 
the  land-batteries,  which  should  have  flanked  him  without, 
was  entirely  covered.  But  it  may  be  presumed  that  the 
Turkish  Admiral  believed  he  had  done  enough  for  the  safety 
of  Oczakow  by  the  succours  he  had  thrown  in. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  agreeably  to  a  secret  order 
from  the  Prince-Marshal,  the  Saporoses  landed,  to  the  number 
of  2000,  on  the  island  of  Beresane.  The  Turkish  garrison 
being  only  300  strong,  fired  a  few  random  shots,  and  then 
surrendered  at  discretion. 

"  Having  given  the  officers  under  me  such  testimonials  as 
they  merited,  I  embarked  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  Novem 
ber,  in  a  small  open  galley  for  Cherson.  I  was  three  days 
and  three  nights  on  the  way,  and  suffered  a  great  deal  from 
the  excessive  cold.  The  day  after  my  arrival  the  river  was 
frozen  in,  arid  I  was  taken  dangerously  ill.  My  health  was 
not  sufficiently  re-established  to  enable  me  to  proceed  before 
the  6th  of  December.  Having  arrived  at  St.  Elizabeth,  I 
received  intelligence  that  Oczakow  had  been  taken  by  storm 
on  the  6th.  The  garrison  wras  eleven  thousand  strong, 
including  the  three  thousand  that  the  Capitan  Pacha  had 
thrown  into  the  place  before  he  sailed.  But  the  cold  had 
become  extreme,  and  the  Russian  army  being  formed  in  six 
columns  to  attack  the  place  at  day-dawn,  the  Turks  were 
completely  taken  by  surprise,  and,  becoming  panic-struck, 
suffered  themselves  to  be  throttled  like  as  many  sheep.  In 
the  fury  of  the  assault  the  Russian  soldiers  spared  nothing.  I 


JONES  AT  ST.  PETERSBURGH.  275 

have  been  assured,  that  from  eighteen  to  nineteen  thousand 
Turks  perished  on  that  day  ! 

"  As  I  wished  to  delay  my  return  to  court  till  the  arrival 
of  the  Prince-Marshal,  1  stopt  some  days  at  Skloff,  where 
General  Soritsch  loaded  me  with  civilities.  I  arrived  at 
St.  Petersburgh  on  the  28th  December,  and  was  ordered  to 
appear  at  court  on  the  31st,  when  her  Imperial  Majesty  did 
rne  the  honour  of  granting  me  a  private  audience.  I  pre 
sented  the  letter  the  Prince-Marshal  had  given  me.  A  few 
days  afterwards  the  Empress  sent  me  word,  through  Count 
de  Dmitrijew-Mamonow,  that  she  must  wait  the  arrival  of 
Prince  Potemkin  before  deciding  on  what  was  to  be  done 
regarding  me.  In  the  meanwhile  Count  Besborodko  told 
me,  that  a  command  of  greater  importance  was  intended  for 
me  than  that  of  the  Black  Sea. 

"  On  the  1st  February,  the  Prince-Marshal  not  having  yet 
arrived,  I  gave  in  to  the  Vice-Chancellor,  Count  d'Osterman, 
a  project  for  forming  an  alliance,  political  and  commercial, 
between  Russia  and  the  United  States.  As  the  object  of  this 
project  was  reciprocal  advantages,  and,  above  all,  to  encou 
rage  the  commerce  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  of  the  new  settle 
ments  in  the  Crimea,  I  had  long  intended  to  transmit  it 
to  the  Prince-Marshal;  and  on  his  arrival  at  Court,  about 
the  middle  of  February,  I  sent  him  a  copy.  Some  time 
afterwards  he  took  me  into  his  cabinet,  and  said  that  my 
plan  contained  some  good  ideas ;  but  that  he  did  not  think  it 
expedient  to  adopt  it  at  this  time,  as  this  might  still  further 
irritate  the  English  against  Russia,  and  that  it  was  necessary 
first  to  make  peace  with  the  Turks. 

"  I  might  say  a  great  deal  more  about  the  fleet  and  flotilla 
of  Cherson,  but  for  the  present  I  have  said  enough."  [The 
Rear-Admiral  does,  however,  say  a  good  deal  about  the 
construction  and  equipment  of  the  Russian  ships,  and  the 
internal  regulations  of  the  Russian  navy,  which  shows  much 
professional  acuteness,  but  must  have  small  interest  now  that 


276  THE  RUSSIAN  NAVY. 

all  is  changed.  The  speculations  of  a  clever  and  a  practical 
man  forty  years  ago,  on  the  opening  prospects  of  the  Russian 
empire,  compared  with  its  actual  state,  are,  however,  both 
curious  and  important.]  "  The  commerce  of  the  Black  Sea," 
he  says,  "  is  an  object  of  very  great  importance ;  but  this 
commerce  will  always  be  annoyed  and  often  interrupted  by 
the  Turks,  till  Russia  has  a  stronger  fleet  in  the  Black  Sea  to 
hold  them  at  bay,  and  to  place  the  keys  of  Constantinople  in 
the  hands  of  the  Empress.  Russia  having  all  the  requisite 
materials,  in  making  the  necessary  arrangements  with  order 
and  economy  (without  speaking  of  war,  to  avoid  exciting 
suspicion  in  powers  jealous  of  her  glory,)  this  deficiency  might 
be  supplied  in  a  few  years.  The  means  of  obtaining  good 
seamen  is  to  create  a  merchant-trade, — to  form  an  alliance 
with  the  United  States, — and  to  have  a  squadron  of  evolution 
on  the  Black  Sea,  directed  by  an  admiral  and  a  properly- 
instructed  staff. 

"  1  have  always  believed  that  Russia  requires  a  port  on  the 
Asiatic  side,  opposite  the  Crimea,  to  protect  the  fleet  in  winds 
and  currents,  and  to  be  as  it  were  a  sentinel-post  on  the 
Turks.  I  have  thought  of  Sinople  for  this  purpose,  and  I 
spoke  of  it  to  the  Empress  and  Prince  Potemkin ;  but,  being 
afterwards  better  informed,  I  found  a  more  suitable  situation, 
where  I  am  certain  such  a  post  could  be  securely  established 
at  small  cost,  and  beard  the  whole  Ottoman  empire. 

"  I  must  be  permitted  to  conclude  my  journal  with  some 
reflections  naturally  suggested  by  matters  affecting  my  per 
sonal  honour.  I  have  never  been  able  to  conjecture  the 
reason  which  made  Prince  Potemkin  order  Admiral  Mord- 
winoft'  to  give  up  to  him  the  official  account  of  our  operations, 
which  I  had  drawn  up  in  conformity  to  the  orders  of  the 
Admiralty  of  the  Black  Sea,  as  I  was  assured  he  had  done, 
both  by  Admiral  Mordwinoff  and  his  brother-in-law.  No 
more  could  I  guess  why  Prince  Potemkin  had  given  orders 
that  no  notice  should  be  taken  of  the  little  frigate  Alexander, 


LETTER  FROM  THE  MINISTER.  277 

which  had  been  run  down  in  the  battle  of  the  17th  June. 
This  information  also  I  had  from  Admiral  MordwinofF  after  I 
had  given  up  to  him  the  command  of  the  squadron.  I  have 
been  assured  that  this  frigate  was  always  retained  in  the  list 
of  the  marine.  When  I  found  that  I  received  no  testimony 
of  the  favour  of  the  Empress  in  this  affair,  and  on  other  occa 
sions  very  interesting  to  the  state,  I  was  compelled  to  think 
that  she  had  been  ill-informed,  for  her  ambition  is  to  be 
esteemed  the  most  magnanimous  and  the  most  generous  of 
all  sovereigns.* 

"  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Minister  of  the  United 
States  (to  the  Court  of  Versailles,)  dated  Paris  the  23d 
March,  1789,  which  began  by  telling  me,  that  a  letter  he 
had  received  from  me,  dated  at  St.  Petersburgh,  the  31st 
January,  was  the  only  proof  my  friends  had  of  my  existence 
since  I  had  left  Copenhagen.']  If  I  had  played  the  part  of  a 

*  It  is  no  new  incident  in  any  service  for  one  man  to  gain  the  victory  for 
which  another  is  rewarded.  This  must  sometimes  occur  from  due  regard  to 
rank  and  subordination,  even  where  there  is  the  strongest  desire  to  do  strict 
justice  to  all  the  commanders.  To  the  counsels  of  Varage,  Captain  Winter, 
and  a  Milanese  officer,  De  Litta,  the  subsequent  victory  of  the  Cronstadt  fleet 
over  the  Swedes,  for  which  Nassau  was  so  highly  rewarded,  were  universally 
ascribed.  The  most  brilliant  and  decisive  sea-battle  ever  gained  by  the  Rus 
sians,  that  of  Tschesme,  where  the  whole  Turkish  fleet,  a  town  and  castle, 
were  taken  or  destroyed  in  one  morning,  was  fought  by  the  English  officers, 
Elphiristone,  Greig,  and  especially  Dugdale,  who  performed  prodigies  of  reck 
less  valour  at  the  greatest  personal  hazard.  Yet  the  Empress  thought  fit  to 
attribute  the  victory  to  Alexy  Orion0,  either  from  policy  or  want  of  information. 
Potemkin  himself  was  never  more  munificently  rewarded  for  what  he  had 
actually  accomplished,  than  was  Orloff  for  a  victory  of  which  he  obtained  the 
credit.  There  were  great  public  rejoicings ;  pillars  and  palaces  were  erected, 
and  titles,  estates,  orders,  or  whatever  the  imagination  of  the  Empress  could 
devise  to  do  him  honour,  were  heaped  on  the  murderer  of  her  husband,  to 
whom  she  had  formerly  owed  a  considerable  share  of  her  usurped  crown. 

f  In  Russia,  letters  were  systematically  intercepted.     This  was  part  of  the 

policy  of  the  government ;  and  such  things  have  been  heard  of  in  that  country, 

even  of  later  date  than  the  reign  of. Catherine  II.     When  the  Archduke  Paul 

was  permitted  to  travel  through  Europe  with  the  Archdutchess,  he  was  so 

24 


278  FALSE  ACCOUNTS. 

cipher  in  the  campaign  of  the  Liman  it  was  for  the  first  time. 
I  either  deserved  to  lose  my  head,  or  the  history  of  the  ope 
rations  on  the  Liman,  which  had  been  got  up  in  St.  Peters- 
burgh  during  the  winter,  and  which  I  saw  with  astonishment 
in  the  office  of  M.  Popoff,  merited  to  be  burnt.  I  assert,  that 
it  was  falsified  even  to  the  most  trifling  circumstances. 

"  I  have  acted  a  public  and  distinguished  part  for  fifteen 
years  among  an  enlightened  people,  where  the  press  is 
free,  and  where  the  conduct  of  every  man  is  open  to  discus 
sion,  and  subjected  to  the  judgment  of  his  fellow-citizens.  No 
man  can  play  the  hypocrite  during  so  long  a  period  in  a  career 
so  trying  as  was  mine.  It  was  natural  for  the  Prince  of  Nassau 
and  Brigadier  Alexiano  to  be  my  enemies,  for  they  only  sought 
their  own  advantage  ;  and  Prince  Potemkin,  who  knew  better, 
did  wrong  to  place  me  in  competition  with  them  ;  but  I  cannot 
conceive  how  it  happened  that  I  had  around  Prince  Potemkin 
other  enemies  as  powerful  as  they  were  malicious.  I  ought 
to  have  found  only  friends  in  Russia,  for  I  have  served  that 
empire  faithfully  and  well.  The  manner  in  which  Prince 
Potemkin  has  changed  in  regard  to  me,  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  exceeds  all  imagination.  While  he  supposed 
that  my  services  would  be  an  acquisition  in  directing  the 
maritime  operations  against  the  Turks,  the  Admirals  Mord- 
winoffand  Woinowitch  entirely  lost  his  confidence  as  officers  ; 
and  it  is  evident  that  Woinowitch  had  not  regained  it  on  the 
19th  of  August,  when  it  was  proposed  that  I  should  go  to 
Sevastopole  to  take  command  of  the  fleet.  When  I  had  the 
misfortune  to  offend  Prince  Potemkin  by  the  freedom  of  my 
letter  of  the  14th  October,  he  sent  several  couriers,  one  after 

well  aware  of  the  jealousy  of  his  mother  and  her  government,  that  he  arranged 
a  private  correspondence  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Swedish  post-offices  by 
couriers.  His  correspondent  was  a  young  aid-de-camp,  Bibikoff,  who  some 
times  permitted  himself  to  describe  persons  about  the  court  without  sufficient 
regard  to  decorum.  Among  those  honoured  with  his  notice  was  One  Eye, 
as  he  termed  Potemkin.  The  courier  was  intercepted  at  Riga,  and  Paul's 
witty  correspondent  was  .exiled  to  Astracan,  where  he  shortly  died. 


MORDWINOFF  DISGRACED.  279 

another,  entreating  that  Admiral  Mordwinoff  would  take 
command  of  the  squadron,  which  the  latter  only  at  last  ac 
cepted  on  condition  of  receiving  carte  blanche,  and  insisted 
that  the  Prince  should  not  interfere  in  any  arrangements  he 
thought  fit  to  make. 

"  I  have  mentioned  that  the  Dnieper  was  frozen  over  the 
day  after  my  arrival  at  Cherson,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
Squadron  and  flotilla  were  placed  in  danger,  from  not  having 
been  properly  secured  (for  the  season)  after  the  departure  of 
the  Capitan  Pacha.  I  understood  that  some  of  the  vessels 
were  lost  in  the  Liman,  and  that  the  Wolodimer,  to  save  her 
self,  was  obliged  to  risk  the  passage  to  Sevastopole  without  a 
good  part  of  her  ballast. 

"  Briefly — in  a  few  days  after  my  departure  from  Cherson, 
Admiral  Mordwinoff  was  disgraced  and  sent  from  the  ser 
vice,  whilst  Admiral  Woinowitch,  who  had  married  the 
daughter  of  Alexiano,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Admiralty, 
with  the  chief  command  of  the  fleet,  and  the  entire  confidence 
of  Prince  Potemkin. 

"  It  is  said  that  Russia  has  no  longer  need  of  foreign  naval 
officers.  No  one  is  more  desirous  than  myself  that  this  may 
be  so,  for  I  cannot  be  jealous  of  any  one,  and  I  must  ever  de 
sire  the  prosperity  of  a  country  I  have  served.  I  may,  how 
ever,  be  allowed  to  notice,  that  this  opinion  is  not  of  very 
ancient  date.  If  this  had  been  believed  before  the  last  cam 
paign,  why  were  my  service  so  anxiously  sought  after  ? — It 
assuredly  could  not  have  been  in  compliment  to  me,  nor  in 
order  afterwards  to  make  use  of  me  in  promoting  certain 
political  designs.  I  have  frequently  heard,  that,  since  the  war 
broke  out  with  Sweden,  measures  have  been  taken  to  induce 
Rear-Admiral  Kinsbergen  to  quit  Holland,  and  re-enter  the 
service  of  Russia.  His  countrymen  allege  that  he  had  been 
offered  the  rank  of  vice-admiral,  the  Order  of  Alexander 
Nevsky,  and  a  fixed  revenue  of  20,000  roubles  a-year ;  and 
that  he  had  refused  all  these  advantages,  as  he  had  lately 


280  JONES'S  SENTIMENTS. 

married  a  wife  with  a  fortune  which  enabled  him  to  live  in 
independence  in  his  own  country. 

"It  is  known  that  the  King  of  Sweden  made  advantageous 
offers  to  Admiral  Curtis  of  the  English  navy,  to  induce  him 
to  take  command  of  the  fleet  against  Russia ;  and  that  this 
officer  declined  them,  not  wishing  to  hazard  his  professional 
reputation  in  command  of  a  fleet  which  was  not  in  so  good 
a  condition  as  that  of  England.  / 

"  The  Empress  will  do  me  the  justice  to  remember,  that 
when  I  entered  her  service  I  did  not  say  one  word  regarding 
my  personal  interests.  I  have  a  soul  too  noble  for  that ;  and 
if  my  heart  had  not  been  devoted  to  her  Majesty,  I  would 
never  have  drawn  my  sword  in  her  cause.  I  have  now 
nothing  for  it  but,  like  Admiral  Kinsbergen,  to  marry  a  rich 
wife ;  but  I  have  sufficient  to  support  me  wherever  I  choose, 
and  I  have  seen  enough  of  the  world  to  be  a  philosopher. 
When  I  arrived  at  the  Black  Sea,  if  reasons  much  stronger 
than  those  which  withheld  Admiral  Curtis  had  not  influenced 
my  mind  and  heart,  which  were  devoted  to  the  Empress,  I 
would  never  have  hoisted  my  flag  on  board  the  Wolodimer. 
I  would  have  refused  the  poor  command  offered  me,  and 
which  was  not  worthy  of  me.  I  have  never  puffed  off  my 
own  actions,  nor  given  any  piece  to  the  press  containing  my 
own  panegyric.* 

"  I  respect  the  names  of  Kinsbergen  and  Curtis ;  but  the 
first  duty  of  a  gentleman  is  to  respect  his  own  character  ;  and 
I  believe,  without  vanity,  that  the  name  of  Paul  Jones  is  of 
as  much  value  as  theirs.  It  is  thirty  years  since  I  entered 
the  navy,  and  I  have  had  for  friends  and  instructors  a  d'Or- 

*  The  pettish  tone  of  some  of  these  remarks  affords  an  amusing  contrast  to 
the  affected  coolness  and  indifference  of  the  sentiments  they  express ;  but  it 
should  be  remembered,  that,  just  before  this  Journal  was  extended,  the  man 
who  suffered  all  the  neglect,  injustice,  and  insult  which  it  records,  had  been 
irritated  to  the  verge  of  despair  and  madness  by  persecution  and  injury  of  a 
viler  and  yet  more  despicable  nature.  Under  the  feeling  of  these  wrongs  he 
writes. 


ILL  TREATMENT  OF  OFFICERS.  281 

villiers  and  a  Pavilon.  Unfortunately  Prince  Potemkin  never 
gave  himself  the  trouble  to  know  me. 

"  I  had  the  happiness  to  be  loved  by  my  officers  and  men, 
because  I  treated  them  justly,  and  set  them  a  good  example 
in  fight.  After  I  ceased  to  command,  though  the  campaign 
only  lasted  a  few  days,  the  seamen  soon  found  the  difference. 
They  said  they  had  lost  their  father :  they  were  immediately 
served  with  bad  provisions. 

"  I  have  already  noticed,  that  Prince  Potemkin  had  pro 
mised,  in  presence  of  Admiral  Mordwinoff,  to  advance  the 
officers  under  my  command,  and  to  restore  to  them  the 
seniority  they  had  lost  by  the  promotion  of  the  officers  of  the 
flotilla ;  but  I  have  learnt  with  much  pain  that  he  has  not  kept 
his  word,  and  that  in  consequence  my  officers,  to  the  number 
of  fifty,  have  demanded  their  dismission.  Not  one  of  them 
offered  to  resign  while  I  held  command.  Admiral  Woino- 
witch  having  represented  to  Prince  Potemkin  that  without 
these  officers  the  fleet  was  useless,  he  was  compelled  to  ad 
vance  them  all.  I  have  been  told  that  they  were  not  yet 
satisfied,  as  they  were  not  restored  to  their  seniority,  and  that 
they  proposed  to  quit  the  service  at  the  end  of  the  year.  I 
hope  justice  will  be  done  them,  for  they  are  brave  men.  For 
myself  I  have  been  marked  out  from  every  other  officer  that 
served  in  the  Liman  ;  I  alone  have  obtained  no  promotion, 
though  I  commanded  and  was  alone  responsible !  I  may  be 
told  that  I  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  having  received  the  rank 
of  Rear- Admiral  on  entering  the  service.  I  reply,  that  I 
could  not  have  been  offered  an  inferior  grade.  One  officer 
may  deserve  as  much  in  a  day  as  another  in  a  lifetime,  and 
every  officer  ought  to  be  advanced  according  to  his  merits. 
I  was  not  favoured  in  rank  on  entering  the  Russian  service. 
I  had  a  full  right  to  obtain  that  which  I  accepted.  A  man, 
only  twenty-four  years  of  age,  has  since  been  received  into 
the  service  with  the  rank  of  major-general.  I  wish  to  say 
nothing  against  this  officer ;  it  is  not  always  years  that  give 
24* 


282  BAD  COURTIERS. 

skill,  much  less  genius,  but  he  must  do  a  great  deal  before  he 
has  my  experience. 

"  It  is  painful,  for  the  honour  of  human  nature,  to  reflect  on 
how  many  malevolent  and  deceitful  persons  surround  the 
great,  and  particularly  crowned  heads.  I  speak  from  my 
own  unhappy  experience.  Some  persons  had  the  malice  to 
make  Prince  Potemkin  believe  that  I  made  unhandsome 
strictures  on  his  military  conduct,  and  ridiculed  his  manner 
of  conducting  the  siege  of  Oczakow.  I  have  heard  a  great 
deal  said  on  this  subject,  and  I  am  aware  that  it  excited  con 
siderable  discontent  in  the  army.  I  was  told,  during  my 
illness  at  Cherson,  that  a  thousand  of  his  officers  had  demanded 
their  dismission;  but  I  defy  any  one  to  say  to  my  face  that  I 
ever  allowed  myself  to  criticise  his  operations.  I  have  been 
strongly  attached  to  him,  of  which  I  have  given  proofs  during 
my  command,  and  even  after  he  unjustly  superseded  me. 
There  is  evidence  of  this  in  my  letter  of  the  7th  November, 
at  a  time  when  I  certainly  had  reason  to  complain  of  his 
conduct. 

"  I  have  been  deeply  injured  by  those  secret  machinations 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Empress.  My  enemies  have  had  the 
wickedness  to  make  her  believe  that  I  was  a  cruel  and  brutal 
man ;  and  that  I  had,  during  the  American  war,  even  Jailed 
my  own  nephew ! 

"  It  is  well  known,  that  from  motives  of  revenge,  the  Eng 
lish  have  invented  and  propagated  a  thousand  fictions  and 
atrocities  to  stain,  wound,  and  injure  the  celebrated  men  who 
effected  the  American  revolution : — a  Washington  and  a 
Franklin,  two  of  the  most  illustrious  and  virtuous  men  that 
have  ever  adorned  humanity,  have  not  been  spared  by  these 
calumniators.  Are  they  now  the  less  respected  on  this 
account  by  their  fellow-citizens? — On  the  contrary,  they  are 
universally  revered,  even  in  Europe,  as  the  fathers  of  their 
country,  and  as  examples  of  all  that  is  great  and  noble  in  the 
human  character. 


AMERICAN  PRISONERS.  283 

"  In  civil  wars  it  is  not  wonderful  that  opposite  factions 
should  mutually  endeavour  to  make  it  be  believed  that  each 
is  in  the  right ;  and  it  is  obvious  that  the  party  most  in  the 
wrong  will  always  be  the  most  calumnious.  If  there  had 
really  been  anything  against  my  character,  the  English 
would  not  have  failed  to  furnish  convincing  proofs  of  it.  I 
was  known,  with  very  slender  means,  to  have  given  more 
alarm  to  their  three  kingdoms  during  the  war  than  any  other 
individual  had  done. 

"  I  have  heard,  that,  at  the  period  of  my  entering  the  Rus 
sian  service,  the  English  in  St.  Petersburgh  cried  out  against 
me,  and  asserted  that  I  had  been  a  contraband  trader.  All 
the  world  knows  that  men  of  this  description  are  actuated 
entirely  by  avarice ;  and  every  one  to  whom  I  have  the 
honour  to  be  known  is  aware  that  I  am  one  of  the  least  sel 
fish  of  mankind.  This  is  known  to  the  whole  American  peo 
ple.  I  have  given  proofs  of  it  not  easily  shown,  of  which  I 
possess  very  flattering  testimonies.  In  a  letter  written  on  the 
29th  November,  1782,  to  Congress,  by  Mr.  Morris,  minister 
of  the  marine  and  finance  departments,  after  having  made 
my  eulogium  with  the  warmth  of  a  true  patriot,  who 
thoroughly  knew  me,  he  says,  that  *  I  had  certainly  merited 
the  favour  of  Congress  by  services  and  sacrifices  the  most 
signal.'  Men  do  not  change  their  characters  in  these 
respects. 

"  If  my  heart  has  bled  for  the  Americans, — above  all,  for 
those  shut  up  as  victims  in  English  prisons  by  an  act  of  Par 
liament  as  sanguinary  as  unjust. — if  I  have  exposed  my  health 
and  my  life  to  the  greatest  dangers, — if  I  have  sacrificed  my 
personal  tranquillity  and  my  domestic  happiness,  with  a  por 
tion  of  my  fortune  and  my  blood,  to  set  at  liberty  these  vir 
tuous  and  innocent  men, — have  I  not  given  proofs  sufficiently 
striking  that  I  have  a  heart  the  most  tender,  a  soul  the  most 
elevated  ? — I  have  done  more  than  all  this.  So  far  from  being 
harsh  and  cruel,  nature  has  given  me  the  mildest  disposition. 


284  TYRANNY  IN  THE  ENGLISH  NAVY. 

I  was  formed  for  love  and  friendship,  and  not  to  be  a  seaman 
or  a  soldier,  to  which  I  have  sacrificed  my  natural  inclination. 

"  As  an  officer  I  love  good  discipline,  which  I  consider  in 
dispensable  to  the  success  of  operations,  particularly  at  sea, 
where  men  are  brought  into  such  close  contact.  In  the 
English  navy  it  is  known  that  captains  of  ships  are  often 
tyrants,  who  order  the  lash  for  the  poor  seamen  very  fre 
quently  for  nothing.  In  the  American  navy  we  have  almost 
the  same  regulations ;  but  I  look  on  my  crew  as  my  children, 
and  I  have  always  found  means  to  manage  them  without 
flogging. 

"  I  never  had  a  nephew,  nor  any  other  relation,  under  my 
command.  Happily  these  facts  are  known  in  America,  and 
they  prove  how  cruel  and  harsh  I  am.  I  have  one  dear 
nephew,*  who  is  still  too  young  for  service,  but  who  now 
pursues  his  studies.  Since  I  came  to  Russia  I  have  intended 
him  for  the  Imperial  Marine.  Instead  of  imbruing  my  hands 
in  his  blood  he  will  be  cherished  as  my  son. 

"  In  short,  my  conduct  has  obtained  for  me  the  returns 
most  grateful  to  my  heart.  I  have  had  the  happiness  to  give 
universal  satisfaction  to  two  great  and  enlightened  nations 
which  I  have  served.  Of  this  I  have  received  singular 
proofs.  I  am  the  only  man  in  the  world  that  possesses  a 
sword  given  by  the  King  of  France.  It  is  to  me  a  glorious 
distinction  to  wear  it ;  and  above  all,  to  have  received  it  as 
a  proof  of  the  particular  esteem  of  a  monarch  so  august, — a 
monarch  who  has  declared  himself  the  Protector  of  the  rights 
of  the  human  race,  and  who  adds  to  this  glorious  title  that  of 
citizen  1  I  have  indelible  proofs  of  the  high  consideration  of 
the  United  States ;  but  what  completes  my  happiness  is  the 
esteem  and  friendship  of  the  most  virtuous *of  men,  whose 
fame  will  be  immortal ;  and  that  a  Washington,  a  Franklin, 
a  D'Estaing,  a  La  Fayette,  think  the  bust  of  Paul  Jones 

*  The  only  son  of  the  Rear-Admiral's  eldest  sister,  the  late  Mrs.  Taylor  of 
Dumfries. 


JONES'S  SENTIMENTS.  285 

worthy  of  being  placed  side  by  side  with  their  own.     It  is 
then  certain  that  this  is  not  the  bust  of  one      *  *  * 

*  *  *  #  #  *  *  # 

"  Since  I  am  found  too  frank  and  too  sincere  to  make  my 
way  at  the  Court  of  Russia  without  creating  powerful  enemies, 
I  have  philosophy  enough  to  withdraw  into  the  peaceful  bosom 
of  friendship ;  but,  as  I  love  virtue  better  than  reward,  and  as 
my  greatest  ambition  is  to  preserve,  even  in  the  shades  of  re 
treat,  the  precious  favour  of  the  Empress,  I  may  tell  her  Ma 
jesty,  that,  even  in  the  midst  of  my  persecutions,  my  mind 
was  occupied  by  plans  for  the  essential  advancement  of  her 
service,  of  which  I  gave  some  idea  to  her  minister  in  June 
last  (1789.)  I  have  not  entered  into  details,  for  there  are 
politicians  who  before  now  have  robbed  me  of  my  military 
plans.  I  have  other  projects  in  view  from  which  the  flag  of 
Russia  might  derive  new  lustre,  and  which  would  cause  but 
little  expense  to  her  Majesty  at  the  outset,  and  perhaps  no 
thing  in  the  end,  if  I  had  the  direction ;  for  I  would  be  able 
to  make  war  support  war.  Whatever  be  the  issue,  I  have 
the  satisfaction  of  having  done  my  duty  in  Russia,  and  that 
without  any  views  of  self-interest.  It  is  affirmed,  that,  in 
general,  strangers  who  come  to  Russia  are  adventurers  in 

*  In  the  mysterious  and  now  perhaps  inexplicable  intrigue  set  on  foot  at 
the  return  of  Paul  Jones  from  the  Liman,  to  ruin  him  personally  in  the  good 
opinion  of  the  Empress,  for  he  had  been  professionally  sacrificed  before,  it  ap 
pears,  by  a  passage  following  the  above  extravagant  self-eulogium,  (which  we 
can  only  pardon  in  an  indignant  and  persecuted  man,)  that  accusations  had 
been  insinuated  against  him  of  a  yet  darker  and  more  revolting  character 
than  the  alleged  murder  of  his  nephew  and  the  violation  of  a  girl.  Had  not 
the  latter  calumny  already  been  made  public,  as  Paul  Jones  takes  no  notice  of 
it  in  his  Journal,  we  would  scarce  have  polluted  our  pages  by  reference  to  it. 
The  circumstance,  however,  has  been  noticed  by  Count  Segur,  and  adverted 
to  by  the  American  biographer  ;  and  as  we  possess  ample  means  from  his 
papers,  and  the  testimony  of  Segur  and  Littlepage,  of  establishing  his  inno 
cence  in  this  affair,  it  is  noticed.  Indeed  this  absurd  charge  died  away  be 
fore  he  left  Russia,  though  stated  by  the  historian  of  Catherine  II.  as  the  cause 
of  his  being  driven  from  that  country  ! 


286  JONES'S  SENTIMENTS. 

search  of  fortune,  not  having  the  means  of  living  in  their  own 
country.  I  cannot  say  as  to  this ;  but  I  at  least  hope  that  the 
Empress  will  not  class  me  with  those. 

"  Briefly,  I  am  satisfied  with  myself;  and  I  have  the  hap 
piness  to  know,  that,  though  my  enemies  may  not  be  converted 
into  friends,  my  name  will  nevertheless  be  always  respected 
by  worthy  men  who  know  me  ;  and  it  is  to  me  a  satisfaction 
and  a  signal  triumph  at  the  moment  of  my  leaving  Russia, 
that  the  public,  and  even  the  English  in  St.  Petersburgh,  with 
whom  I  had  no  connexion,  have  now  changed  their  sentiments 
in  regard  to  me,  give  me  their  esteem,  and  regret  my  de 
parture. 

«  St.  Petersburgh,  29th  July,  1789." 


END  OF  THE  JOURNAL  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  THE  LIMAN. 


POTEMKIN'S  CHARACTER. 


287 


CHAPTER  X. 


BRIEF  notice  of  Russian  af 
fairs  is  perhaps  necessary  to 
enable  the  reader  to  form  a 
correct  opinion  of  the  conduct 
of  Paul  Jones  during  this  period. 
The  whole  history  of  the 
campaign,  so  far  as  it  regards 
Paul  Jones,  is  comprehended 
m  tne  character  of  Potemkin. 
He  had  provoked  the  war  with  Turkey  from  motives  that  his 
extraordinary  character  render  credible,  though  in  relation 
to  any  other  individual  they  would  remain  unworthy  of  belief. 
Already  loaded  with  titles,  honours,  dignities,  and  crosses  of 
almost  all  the  European  orders,  he  still  secretly  longed  for 
the  grand  ribbon  of  the  Order  of  St.  George,  an  order  insti 
tuted  by  the  Empress.  To  dismember  the  Ottoman  empire 
still  farther,  and  procure  this  distinction,  a  war  was  to  be 
provoked  by  intrigues,  bribery,  and  the  promotion  of  intestine 
divisions  in  the  Turkish  dominions ;  and  when  all  was  pre 
pared,  by  the  insolence  of  the  Russian  envoys  and  consuls, 
and  the  barefaced  violation  of  existing  treaties,  the  discredit 
of  actual  aggression  was  artfully  thrown  on  the  Porte.  Russia 
had  already  virtually  made  war,  but  the  Turks  first  declared 
hostilities.  The  person  to  whom  the  conduct  of  the  war  on 
the  part  of  Russia  was  confided, — Field-Marshal  Prince  Po 
temkin, — was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  of  his  own 
or  of  any  age.  If  ever  great  genius  be  allied  to  madness  it 
was  so  in  the  wildly-organized  mind  of  Potemkin.  The  Prince 


288  POTEMKIN. 

de  Ligne,  who  had  closely  examined  his  character,  and  Count 
de  Segur,  who  long  knew  him  intimately,  and  watched  him 
strictly,  have  both  left  portraits  of  this  singular  personage, 
which,  though  French  in  their  tone  and  colouring,  give  a 
tolerable  idea  of  the  exterior  of  the  man  on  whose  interests 
and  caprices  the  fate  of  the  Russian  empire  as  well  as  of  Paul 
Jones  depended.  Neither  the  acute  Austrian,  de  Ligne,  nor 
the  manners-seizing  Frenchman,  de  Segur,  held,  however,  a 
plummet-line  of  sufficient  length  to  sound  all  the  depths  of  Po- 
temkin's  character.  The  Prince  de  Ligne  saw  a  great  deal 
of  "  the  Prince,"  as  he  was  called,  during  the  stately  progress 
of  the  Empress  in  1787,  and  afterwards  at  head-quarters 
during  the  campaign  of  1788.  His  sketch  of  an  unparalleled 
original,  which  was  written  exactly  at  the  time  when 
Potemkin  was  in  daily  contact  with  Paul  Jones,  commences 
thus  : — "  I  here  behold  a  commander-in-chief  who  looks  idle 
and  is  always  busy ;  who  has  no  other  desk  than  his  knees, 
no  other  comb  than  his  fingers ;  constantly  reclining  on  his 
couch,  yet  sleeping  neither  in  the  night  nor  in  day-time.  His 
zeal  for  the  Empress  he  adores  keeps  him  incessantly  awake 
and  uneasy ;  and  a  cannon-shot,  to  which  he  himself  is  not 
exposed,  disturbs  him  with  the  idea,  that  it  costs  the  life  of 
some  of  his  soldiers;  trembling  for  others,  brave  for  himself; 
stopping  under  the  hottest  fire  of  a  battery  to  give  orders,  yet 
more  an  Ulysses  than  an  Achilles ;  alarmed  at  the  approach  of 
danger,  frolicsome  when  it  surrounds  him ;  dull  in  the  midst 
of  pleasure ;  unhappy  in  being  too  fortunate ;  surfeited  with 
everything;  easily  disgusted,  morose,  inconstant ;  a  profound 
philosopher,  an  able  minister,  a  sublime  politician,  or  like  a 
child  of  ten  years  of  age  ;  not  revengeful ;  asking  pardon  for 
a  pain  he  has  inflicted;  quickly  repairing  an  injustice;  think 
ing  he  loves  God  when  he  fears  the  devil,  whom  he  fancies 
still  greater  and  bigger  than  himself;  waving  one  hand  to  the 
females  that  please  him,  and  with  the  other  making  the  sign 
of  the  cross ;  embracing  the  feet  of  a  statue  of  the  Virgin,  or 


POTEMK1N.  289 

the  alabaster  neck  of  his  mistress;  receiving  numberless 
presents  from  his  sovereign,  and  distributing  them  immediately 
to  others ;  accepting  estates  of  the  Empress  and  returning 
them,  or  paying  her  debts  without  her  knowledge."*  The 
Prince  de  Ligne  proceeds  in  the  same  strain  of  antithesis : — 
"Gambling  from  morn  to  night,  or  not  at  all;  preferring 
prodigality  in  giving  to  regularity  in  paying ;  prodigiously 
rich,  and  not  worth  a  farthing ;  abandoning  himself  to  distrust 
or  to  confidence,  to  jealousy  or  to  gratitude,  to  ill-humour  or 
to  pleasantry ;  talking  divinity  to  his  generals  and  tactics  to 
his  bishops ;  never  reading,  but  sifting  every  one  with  whom 
he  converses,  and  contradicting  to  be  better  informed ;  un 
commonly  affable  or  extremely  savage ;  affecting  the  most 
attractive  or  the  most  repulsive  manners ;  appearing  by  turns 
the  proudest  satrap  of  the  East,  or  the  most  polished  courtier 
of  Louis  XIV  ;  concealing  under  the  appearance  of  harshness 
the  greatest  benevolence  of  heart ;  whimsical  with  regard  to 
time,  repasts,  rest,  and  inclinations ;  like  a  child,  wanting  to 
have  everything,  or  like  a  great  man,  knowing  how  to  do 
without  many  things;  sober,  though  seemingly  a  glutton; 
gnawing  his  fingers,  or  apples  and  turnips ;  scolding  or  laugh 
ing;  mimicking  or  swearing;  engaged  in  wantonness  or 
prayers ;  singing  or  meditating ;  calling  or  dismissing ;  send 
ing  for  twenty  aides-de-camp,  and  saying  nothing  to  any  of 
them ;  bearing  heat  better  than  any  man,  while  he  seems  to 
think  of  nothing  but  the  most  voluptuous  baths ;  not  caring 
for  cold,  though  he  appears  unable  to  exist  without  furs ; 
always  in  his  shirt  without  drawers,  or  in  rich  regimentals 

*  This  is  pure  fiction.  Potemkin  would  never,  if  possible,  pay  his  own 
debts.  When  any  one  came  to  demand  payment,  Popoff  his  secretary  was 
asked  why  that  man  was  not  paid  ?  but,  by  a  preconcerted  signal,  (the  Prince 
closing  his  hand,)  the  secretary  was  given  to  understand  that  no  payment  was 
intended  to  be  made :  when,  on  the  contrary,  he  opened  his  hand,  which  was 
more  rarely,  the  debt  was  to  be  discharged.  The  Empress  had  often  paid  his 
debts.  His  rapacity  exceeded  his  profusion. 
25 


290  POTEMKIN. 

embroidered  on  all  the  seams ;  barefoot,  or  in  slippers  embroi 
dered  with  spangles ;  wearing  neither  hat  nor  cap ;  it  is  thus 
I  saw  him  once  in  the  midst  of  a  musket-fire.  Sometimes  in 
a  night-gown ;  sometimes  in  a  splendid  tunic,  with  his  three 
stars,  his  orders,  and  diamonds  as  large  as  a  thumb  round  the 
portrait  of  the  Empress, — they  seemed  placed  there  to  attract 
the  balls ; — crooked  and  almost  bent  double  when  he  is  at 
home ;  and  tall,  erect,  proud,  handsome,  noble,  majestic,  or 
fascinating,  when  he  shows  himself  to  the  army,  like  Agamem 
non  in  the  midst  of  the  monarchs  of  Greece.  What,  then,  is 
his  magic  ? — Genius,  natural  abilities,  an  excellent  memory, 
and  much  elevation  of  soul ;  malice  without  the  design  of  in 
juring  ;  artifice  without  craft ;  a  happy  mixture  of  caprices  ; 
the  art  of  conquering  every  heart  in  his  good  moments  ;  much 
generosity,  graciousness,  and  justice  in  his  rewards  ;  a  refined 
or  correct  taste ;  the  talent  of  guessing  what  he  is  ignorant 
of;  and  a  consummate  knowledge  of  mankind." 

This  sketch  is  rather  the  eulogium  than  the  true  character 
of  Potemkin.  He  had  originally  been  the  favourite  of  the 
Empress,  from  which  thraldom  he  alone,  of  her  numerous 
lovers,  passed  into  the  possession  of  greater  political  power 
than  was  enjoyed  by  any  other  man  in  Russia.  Till  his  death 
he  remained  master  of  the  destinies  of  the  empire,  and 
retained  a  paramount  influence  over  the  mind  of  Catherine. 
He  held  every  office  of  importance  in  the  state.  It  was  even 
whispered,  that,  after  the  death  of  her  favourite,  Lanskoi, 
Catherine  gave  her  hand  in  secret  to  Potemkin.  This  was 
doubted  at  the  time,  and,  at  all  events,  made  no  change  in 
the  mode  of  life  of  the  Empress  or  the  Prince.  It  was  he, 
in  general,  who  either  chose  or  recommended  the  favourites 
that  appeared  in  rapid  succession.  A  part  of  his  revenue 
was  a  hundred  thousand  roubles  from  the  Empress,  and  the 
same  sum  from  the  new  favourite*,  as  often  as  this  office  was 
changed. 

The  portrait  left  of  this  extraordinary  person  by  Count 


COUNT  SEGUR'S  SKETCH.  291 

Segur,  if  not  exact,  approaches  more  nearly  to  a  true  likeness 
than  the  epigrammatic  sketch  of  De  Ligne: — "  Prince  Gregory 
Alexandrovitch  Potemkin  was,"  says  Segur,  "  one  of  the 
most  extraordinary  men  of  his  times ;  but,  in  order  to  have 
played  so  conspicuous  a  part,  he  must  have  been  in  Russia, 
and  have  lived  in  the  reign  of  Catherine  II.  In  any  other 
country,  in  any  other  times,  with  any  other  sovereign,  he 
would  have  been  misplaced ;  and  it  was  a  singular  stroke  of 
chance  that  created  this  man  for  the  period  that  tallied  with 
him,  and  brought  together  and  combined  all  the  circumstances 
with  which  he  could  tally. 

"  In  his  person  were  collected  the  most  opposite  defects 
and  advantages  of  every  kind.  He  was  avaricious  and 
ostentatious,  despotic  and  popular,  inflexible  and  beneficent, 
haughty  and  obliging,  politic  and  confiding,  licentious  and 
superstitious,  bold  and  timid,  ambitious  and  indiscreet.  Lavish 
of  his  bounties  to  his  relations,  his  mistresses,  and  his 
favourites,  yet  frequently  paying  neither  his  household  nor  his 
creditors.  His  consequence  always  depended  on  a  woman ; 
and  he  was  always  unfaithful  to  her.  Nothing  could  equal 
the  activity  of  his  mind,  nor  the  indolence  of  his  body.  No 
dangers  could  appal  his  courage ;  no  difficulties  force  him  to 
abandon  f!is  projects.  But  the  success  of  an  enterprise 
always  brought  on  disgust. 

"  He  wearied  the  empire  by  the  number  of  his  posts  and  the 
extent  of  his  power.  He  was  himself  fatigued  with  the 
burthen  of  his  existence ;  envious  of  all  that  he  did  not  do, 
and  sick  of  all  that  he  did.  Rest  was  not  grateful  to  him,  nor 
occupation  pleasing.  Everything  with  him  was  desultory : 
business,  pleasure,  temper,  carriage.  In  every  company  he 
had  an  embarrassed  air,  and  his  presence  was  a  restraint  on 
every  company.  He  was  morose  to  all  that  stood  in  awe 
of  him,  and  caressed  all  such  as  accosted  him  with  familiarity. 

"  Ever  promising,  seldom  keeping  his  word,  and  never  for 
getting  anything.  None  had  read  less  than  he  ;  few  people 


292  COUNT  SEGUR'S  SKETCH. 

were  better  informed.  He  had  talked  with  the  skilful  in  all 
professions,  in  all  the  sciences,  in  every  art.  None  better 
knew  how  to  draw  forth  and  appropriate  to  himself  the  know 
ledge  of  others.  In  conversation  he  would  have  astonished 
a  scholar,  an  artist,  an  artisan,  and  a  divine.  His  informa 
tion  was  not  deep,  but  it  was  very  extensive.  He  never 
dived  into  a  subject,  but  he  spoke  well  on  all  subjects. 

"  The  inequality  of  his  temper  was  productive  of  an  incon 
ceivable  oddity  in  his  desires,  in  his  conduct,  and  in  his  man 
ner  of  life.  One  while  he  formed  the  project  of  becoming 
Duke  of  Courland ;  at  another  he  thought  of  bestowing  on 
himself  the  crown  of  Poland.  He  frequently  gave  intimations 
of  an  intention  to  make  himself  a  bishop  or  even  a  simple 
monk.  He  built  a  superb  palace,  and  wanted  to  sell  it  before 
it  was  finished.  One  day  he  would  dream  of  nothing  but 
war ;  and  only  officers,  Tartars,  and  Cossacks,  were  admitted 
to  him ;  the  next  day  he  was  busied  only  with  politics ;  he 
would  partition  the  Ottoman  empire,  and  put  in  agitation  all 
the  cabinets  of  Europe.  At  other  times,  with  nothing  in  his 
head  but  the  court,  dressed  in  a  magnificent  suit,  covered 
with  ribbons  presented  him  by  every  potentate,  displaying 
diamonds  of  extraordinary  magnitude  and  brilliance,  he  was 
giving  superb  entertainments  without  any  occasio%. 

"  He  was  sometimes  known  for  a  month,  and  in  the  face 
of  all  the  town,  to  pass  whole  evenings  at  the  apartments  of 
a  young  female,  seeming  to  have  alike  forgot  all  business  and 
all  decorum.  Sometimes  also,  for  several  weeks  success 
ively,  shut  up  in  his  room  with  his  nieces  and  several  men 
of  his  intimates,  he  would  lounge  on  a  sofa,  without  speaking, 
playing  at  chess,  or  at  cards,  with  his  legs  bare,  his  shirt- 
collar  unbuttoned,  in  a  morning-gown,  with  a  thoughtful  front, 
his  eyebrows  knit,  and  presenting  to  the  view  of  strangers 
who  came  to  see  him  the  figure  of  a  rough  and  squalid 
Cossack. 

"  All  these   singularities  often   put   the   Empress   out  of 


COUNT  SEGUR'S  SKETCH.  293 

humour,  but  rendered  him  more  interesting  to  her.  In  his 
youth  he  had  pleased  her  by  the  ardour  of  his  passion,  by  his 
valour,  and  by  his  masculine  beauty.  Being  arrived  at  ma 
turity,  he  charmed  her  still  by  flattering  her  pride,  by  calming 
her  apprehensions,  by  confirming  her  power,  by  cherishing 
her  fancies  of  oriental  empire,  the  expulsion  of  the  barbarians, 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Grecian  republics. 

"  At  eighteen,  an  under  officer  in  the  horse-guards,  on  the 
day  of  the  revolution,  he  persuaded  his  corps  to  take  arms, 
and  presented  to  Catherine  his  cockade  as  an  ornament  for 
her  sword.  Soon  after,  become  the  rival  of  Orloff,  he  per 
formed  for  his  sovereign  whatever  the  most  romantic  passion 
could  inspire.  He  put  out  his  eye  to  free  it  from  a  blemish 
which  diminished  his  beauty.  Banished  by  his  rival,  he  ran 
to  meet  death  in  battle,  and  returned  with  glory.  A  success 
ful  lover,  he  quickly  shook  off  the  hypocritical  farce,  whose 
catastrophe  held  out  to  him  the  prospect  of  an  obscure 
destiny.  He  himself  gave  favourites  to  his  mistress,  and  be 
came  her  confidant,  her  friend,  her  general,  and  her  minister. 

"  Panin  was  president  of  the  council,  and  was  a  stickler 
for  the  alliance  of  Prussia.  Potemkin  persuaded  his  mistress 
that  the  friendship  of  the  Emperor  would  be  of  more  use  to 
her  in  realizing  her  plans  against  the  Turks.  He  connected 
her  with  Joseph  II.,  and  thereby  furnished  himself  with  the 
means  of  conquering  the  Crimea  and  the  country  of  the  Nogay 
Tartars,  which  depended  upon  it.  Restoring  to  these  regions 
their  sonorous  and  ancient  names,  creating  a  maritime  force 
at  Cherson  and  Sevastopole,  he  persuaded  Catherine  to  come 
and  admire  herself  this  new  scene  of  his  glory.  Nothing 
was  spared  for  rendering  this  jourae}?"  renowned  to  the  latest 
posterity.  Thither  were  conveyed,  from  all  parts  of  the 
empire,  money,  provisions,  and  horses.  The  highways  were 
illuminated.  The  Borysthenes  was  covered  with  magnificent 
galleys.  A  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  soldiers  were  newly 
equipped.  The  Cossacks  were  brought  together  ;  the  Tartars 
25  * 


294  'COUNT  SEGUR'S  SKETCH, 

were  disciplined.  Deserts  were  peopled  lor  the  occasion ; 
and  palaces  were  raised  in  the  trackless  wild.  The  nakedness 
of  the  plains  of  the  Crimea  was  disguised  by  villages  built  on 
purpose,  and  enlivened  by  fireworks.  Chains  of  mountains 
were  illuminated.  Fine  roads  were  opened  by  the  army. 
Howling  wildernesses  were  transformed  into  English  gardens. 
The  King  of  Poland  came  to  pay  homage  to  her  who  had 
crowned  him,  and  who  afterwards  struck  him  from  the  throne. 
The  Emperor  Joseph  II.  came  himself  to  attend  the  triumphal 
progress  of  the  Empress  Catherine ;  and  the  result  of  this 
brilliant  journey  was  another  war,  which  the  English  and  the 
Prussians  impolitically  instigated  the  Turks  to  undertake,  and 
which  was  only  a  fresh  instrument  to  the  ambition  of  Potem- 
kin,  by  affording  him  an  occasion  to  conquer  Oczakow, 
which  remained  to  Russia,  and  to  obtain  the  grand  ribbon  of 
St.  George,  the  only  decoration  that  was  wanting  to  his 
vanity.  But  these  latter  triumphs  were  the  term  of  his  life. 
He  died  in  Moldavia,  almost  by  a  sudden  stroke;  and  his 
death,  lamented  by  his  nieces  and  by  a  small  number  of 
friends,  concerned  only  his  rivals,  who  were  eager  to  divide 
his  spoils,  and  was  very  soon  followed  by  a  total  oblivion. 

"  Like  the  rapid  passage  of  those  shining  meteors  which 
astonish  us  by  their  lustre,  but  are  empty  as  air,  Potemkin 
began  everything,  completed  nothing,  disordered  the  finances, 
disorganized  the  army,  depopulated  his  country,  and  enriched 
it  with  other  deserts.  The  fame  of  the  Empress  was  in 
creased  by  his  conquests.  The  admiration  they  excited  was 
for  her ;  and  the  hatred  they  raised  for  her  minister.  Posterity, 
more  equitable,  will  perhaps  divide  between  them  both  the 
glory  of  the  successes  and  the  severity  of  the  reproaches. 
It  will  not  bestow  on  Potemkin  the  title  of  a  great  man ;  but 
it  will  mention  him  as  an  extraordinary  person ;  and,  to 
draw  his  picture  with  accuracy,  he  might  be  represented  as  a 
real  emblem,  as  the  living  image  of  the  Russian  empire. 

"  For,  in  fact,  he  was  colossal  like  Russia.     In  his  mind, 


POTEMKIN  AND  ROMANTZOFF.  095 

as  in  that  country,  were  cultivated  districts  and  desert  plains. 
It  also  partook  of  the 'Asiatic,  of  the  European,  of  the  Tar 
tarian,  and  the  Cossack  ;  the  rudeness  of  the  eleventh  cen 
tury,  and  the  corruption  of  the  eighteenth ;  the  polish  of  the 
arts,  and  the  ignorance  of  the  cloisters ;  an  outside  of  civili 
zation,  and  many  traces  of  barbarism.  In  a  word,  if  we 
might  hazard  so  bold  a  metaphor,  even  his  two  eyes,  the  one 
open,  and  the  other  closed,  reminded  us  of  the  Euxine 
always  open,  and  the  Northern  ocean,  so  long  shut  up 
with  ice. 

"  This  portrait  may  appear  gigantic  ;  but  those  who  knew 
Potemkin  will  bear  witness  to  its  truth.  That  man  had  great 
defects ;  but  without  them,  perhaps,  he  would  neither  have 
got  the  mastery  of  his  sovereign,  nor  that  of  his  country. 
He  was  made  by  chance  precisely  such  as  he  ought  to 
be  for  preserving  so  long  his  power  over  so  extraordinary  a 
woman."* 

Segur  might  have  added,  that  this  Russian  hero  was  as 
artful  as  his  impetuous  passions  permitted ;  vindictive,  ra 
pacious,  and  self-willed,  to  a  degree  which  denoted  actual 
frenzy.  When  young,  and  though  a  favourite  not  yet  quite 
established  in  the  good  graces  of  the  Empress,  he  was,  after 
a  quarrel  with  her  favourites,  the  OrlofFs,  in  which  he  lost  an 
eye,  sent  to  serve  under  Field-Marshal  Romantzoff.  This 
distinguished  commander  treated  him  with  civility,  praised 
his  military  conduct  to  the  Empress,  but  gave  him  neither  his 
confidence  nor  esteem.  The  haughty  Potemkin  felt  the 
humiliation,  and  never  forgave  the  man,  of  whom  he  really 
had  nothing  to  complain.  He  engaged  in  a  despicable  intrigue 
to  ruin  the  Countess  Bruce,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  she 
had  the  misfortune  to  be  the  sister  of  the  man  he  hated,  and 
who  disdained  to  cringe  before  him.  Paul  Jones  complains 
that  his  officers  were  not  promoted  during  one  campaign. 


*  Life  of  Catherine  II.,  Eaiprcss  of  Russia,  vol.  iii.  p.  326—333. 


296  POTEMKIN'S  FOLLIES. 

The  officers  of  Romantzoff  were  kept  from  advancement  for 
fourteen  successive  years,  and  the  Field-Marshal  himself  re 
tired  at  last  in  chagrin  and  disgust.  It  was  no  unfrequent  thing 
for  Potemkin  to  strike  the  Russian  officers  that  were  about 
him,  though  he  did  not  venture  to  display  the  same  vivacity 
of  temper  to  foreigners.  He  sometimes,  in  the  headlong  im 
pulse  of  rage,  struck  even  the  native  nobility.  Field-officers 
were  frequently  sent  by  him  from  the  Crimea,  and  from  places 
as  distant,  for  a  dish  of  a  particular  kind  of  fish-soup,  which 
cost  him  three  hundred  roubles;  or  to  St.  Petersburgh  or 
Riga  for  a  few  oysters  or  oranges.  He  at  one  period  com 
pelled  the  Empress  to  dismiss  one  of  her  favourites,  (recom 
mended  by  himself  sometime  before,)  at  the  same  instant  that 
she  ventured  to  expostulate  with  him  for  having  struck  the 
uncle  of  this  young  man.  He  ordered  her  to  "  dismiss  that 
white  negro,  (the  favourite  Yermoloff,)  or  he  would  never 
again  set  his  foot  within  the  palace," — and  the  Empress 
obeyed !  Yermoloff  was  at  the  same  moment  sent  on  his 
travels.  To  Paul  Jones  he  had  emphatically  said,  "  None 
led  him — not  even  the  Empress !"  He  was  exceedingly  in 
dignant  at  the  Swedish  war,  which  interfered  with  his  views 
on  the  Ottoman  empire.  He  termed  it  an  old  woman's  war. 
When  Catherine  wrote  him  an  account  of  the  hasty  prepara 
tions  she  had  made  to  repel  the  Swedes  who  were  approach 
ing  her  frontier,  she  inquires,  with  the  good  humour  which 
never  deserted  her,  "  Have  I  done  right,  my  master?"  This 
was  less  a  jesting  expression  than  her  Majesty  probably 
imagined.  The  end  of  this  semi-barbarian  is  not  a  little 
edifying.  Satiated  and  disgusted  with  wealth,  honours,  con 
quest,  and  luxury,  in  the  latter  years  of  his  life  he  would  sit, 
throughout  a  long  winter  evening,  alone,  spreading  out  his 
diamonds  on  a  black  velvet  cloth  kept  for  this  purpose,  and 
arranging  them  in  different  figures,  as  crosses,  stars,  &c., 
weighing  them,  or  passing  them  from  hand  to  hand,  like  a 
child  playing  with  cherry-stones,  though  certainly  with  not  half 


POTEMKIN'S  LAST  DAYS.  297 

the  enjoyment.  He  would  often  pass  a  couple  of  hours  gnaw 
ing  his  nails  in  gloomy  silence,  while  he  paced  a  saloon  filled 
with  mute  company,  his  presence  carrying  dismay  and  blight 
ing  wherever  he  appeared.  When  attacked  by  the  lingering 
fever  which  terminated  his  days  in  his  fifty-second  year,  he 
disdained  the  advice  of  the  court  physicians  despatched  to 
him  by  the  Empress,  and  continued  to  eat  and  drink  with  his 
ordinary  intemperance.  His  usual  breakfast  at  this  time  was 
a  smoked  goose,  with  a  large  quantity  of  wine  and  spirits. 
He  dined  in  the  same  manner.  His  appetites  were  all  extra 
vagant  and  irregular,  and  indulged  to  excess.  With  fever 
raging  in  his  blood,  he  determined  to  leave  Yassy,  whither 
he  had  gone  to  attend  a  congress  with  the  agents  of  the 
Porte.  He  fancied  the  air  of  this  place  disagreed  with  him, 
and  determined  to  go  to  Nicolayef,  one  of  the  towns  he  had 
built.  He  had  not  proceeded  many  miles,  when  he  became 
so  ill  that  his  attendants  lifted  him  from  his  carriage.  He 
threw  himself  on  the  grass,  and  died  under  a  tree !  This 
was  in  October,  1791.  The  wonders  told  of  his  riches,  his 
estates,  his  gold,  his  diamonds*the  splendour  of  his  Tauridan 
Palace,  and  the  magnificence  of  his  fetes,  resemble  the 
enchantments  of  an  oriental  tale.  Like  his  coadjutor,  Suwar- 
row,  Prince  Potemkin  was  what  they  were  pleased  to  think, 
or  call,  religious.  Suwarrow  never  massacred  ten  or  twenty 
thousand  of  his  fellow-creatures  in  cold  blood  without  return 
ing  thanks  to  Heaven,  and  giving  glory  for  the  achievement. 
Potemkin,  for  a  Russian,  could  not  be  called  cruel,  but  he  was 
as  superstitious  as  the  meanest  of  his  soldiers.  At  one  time  he 
affected  extreme  sanctity  and  mortification  of  life,  and  even 
threatened  to  turn  monk.  This  was  for  a  political  purpose, 
and  the  grossest  hypocrisy.  But  his  superstition  was  unaf 
fected.  He  regarded  himself  as  the  peculiar  favourite  of 
Heaven,  and  had  great  faith  in  his  own  good  fortune.  The 
first  success  over  the  Turkish  fleet  in  the  campaign  of  1788 
was  gained,  as  he  boasted  to  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  on  the 


298  THE  PRINCE  OF  NASSAU'S  CHARACTER. 

festival  day  of  his  patron,  St.  Gregory, — "  Heaven  had  not 
forgotten  him."  Oczakow  was  stormed  and  carried  on 
some  other  saint's  day.  The  Prince  of  Nassau,  the  per 
son  with  whom  Paul  Jones  was  in  immediate  competition, 
was  a  man  of  much  feebler  character.  A  sketch  of  his 
career  in  Russia  is  the  strongest  corroboration  that  the 
Journal  of  Rear- Admiral  Jones  can  receive. 

The  Prince  of  Nassau  Siegen  was  fickle,  arrogant,  and 
of  mean  capacity.  Paul  Jones  frequently  throws  doubts  on 
his  personal  courage ;  but  a  man  whose  whole  life  was  spent 
in  search  of  wild  military  adventures,  and  who  continually 
exposed  himself  to  personal  danger,  could  scarcely  have  been 
a  coward.  Nassau  proposed  to  accompany  Jones  in  the  secret 
expedition  against  England  in  1779,  and  had  abruptly  aban 
doned  the  scheme  without  explanation  or  apology,  and  with 
out  even  deigning  to  reply  to  the  frequent  letters  which  the 
disappointed  commodore  addressed  to  him.  He  had  served 
in  the  unfortunate  attempt  of  the  French  on  the  Island  of 
Jersey,  and  in  the  futile  attack  of  the  combined  powers  of 
France  and  Spain  at  Gibraltar*.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the 
war  with  Turkey  he  entered  the  Russian  service.  He  had 
previously  joined  the  Empress,  along  with  Potemkin,  on  her 
celebrated  progress  to  the  Crimea,  and  was  rather  a  favourite 
with  both  of  those  personages.  He  obtained  the  command  in 
the  Black  Sea,  and  on  the  arrival  of  Jones,  there  is  little  doubt 
that  the  rival  commanders  viewed  each  other  with  mutual 
jealousy.  In  an  affair  which  took  place  on  the  29th  July, 
which  Paul  Jones  has  not  mentioned,  the  Prince  of  Nassau, 
waiting  in  vain  for  orders,  and  at  last  acting  without  them, 
had  the  good  fortune  to  support  Prince  Anhalt  in  a  very  press 
ing  emergency,  and  to  save  a  Russian  battery.  In  his  report 
to  Potemkin,  he  boastingly  apologizes  "  for  having  advanced 
with  three  gun-boats,  and  forced  the  Turks  to  retire,  without 
orders." 

The  reason  of  his  withdrawing  from  the  Liman  before  the 


NASSAU'S  SCHEME.  299 

end  of  the  campaign  is  thus  related  : — The  supineness  of  Po- 
temkin  in  conducting  the  siege  of  Oczakow  was  the  subject 
of  much  animadversion,  and  at  last  of  great  discontent  in  the 
army.  For  months  he  lay  as  if  spell-bound  in  his  camp,  sur 
rounded  by  the  females  and  others,  ministers  of  his  luxury 
and  pleasure,  that  accompanied  him  everywhere,  displaying 
all  the  eccentricity  and  caprice  of  his  character  more  extra 
vagantly  than  he  had  ever  done  before.  It  is  alleged  that  he 
was  employed  all  this  while  in  private  intrigues  to  corrupt 
the  Turkish  garrison,  which  he  expected  to  capitulate  with 
out  bloodshed.  In  the  meanwhile  many  lives  had  been  lost 
in  sorties  and  abortive  assaults,  as  well  as  in  the  amphibious 
warfare  of  the  Liman.  In  a  council  of  war  held  to  concert 
a  decisive  plan  of  attack,  Nassau  offered,  "  if  he  might  be  in 
trusted  with  the  operation,  to  effect  a  breach  in  a  weak  part 
of  the  fortress  which  he  had  discovered,  and  which  should  be 
large  enough  to  admit  a  whole  regiment."  Potemkin,  of 
fended  by  this  vain  boast,  and  never,  as  he  afterwards  said  to 
Paul  Jones,  "  deceived  by  Nassau,"  sarcastically  asked  him 
"how  many  breaches  he  had  made  at  Gibraltar?"  Nassau, 
offended  in  his  turn,  solicited  the  Empress  for  his  recall.  He 
was  accordingly  employed  in  the  North  Seas,  with  little  honour 
to  himself  and  great  loss  to  the  arms  of  Russia.  In  the  fol 
lowing  year  he  presented  the  Empress  with  a  plan  of  driving 
the  British  from  India,  drawn  up  by  a  Frenchman,  M.  St. 
Genie,  whom  he  patronized.  The  Empress  was  at  first  quite 
captivated  with  a  scheme,  doubly  welcome  from  being  brought 
forward  at  the  very  time  England  was  fitting  out  an  arma 
ment  which  was  to  act  in  the  Baltic,  and  thus  force  her  to 
make  peace  with  the  Porte.  Potemkin,  who  had  been  en 
raged  with  the  Swedish,  or,  as  he  called  it,  "  the  old  woman's 
war,"  which  interfered  with  his  operations  on  the  Euxine, 
treated  this  wild  plan  of  marching  a  Russian  army  to  Bengal 
with  the  derision  and  contempt  it  merited.  Nassau,  however, 
still  maintained  a  certain  degree  of  favour  with  the  Empress. 


300  THE  PRINCE  OF  NASSAU. 

This  was  shown  in  a  remarkable  instance.  By  an  injudicious 
and  very  ill-managed  attack  of  the  galley-fleet,  which  he 
commanded,  on  that  which  was  commanded  by  Gustavus 
III.,  his  fleet,  though  twice  as  large,  was  completely  defeated, 
with  the  loss  of  the  one-half  of  his  vessels.  His  excessive 
arrogance  was  not  quelled  even  by  witnessing  the  disastrous 
consequences  of  his  own  ignorance  and  temerity.  His  vanity 
led  him  to  imagine  that  the  Russians  had  yielded  to  this  very 
inferior  Swedish  force  merely  to  "  tarnish  his  glory."  He 
accordingly  thus  insolently  announced  his  disgraceful  reverse 
to  the  Empress : — "  Madam,  I  have  had  the  misfortune  to  fight 
against  the  Swedes,  the  elements,  and  the  Russians.  I  hope 
your  Majesty  will  do  me  justice."  To  this  extraordinary  note 
the  Empress  replied,  "  You  are  in  the  right,  because  I  am  re 
solved  you  shall  be  so.  This  is  highly  aristocratic,  but  it  is 
therefore  suitable  to  the  country  in  which  we  live.  Depend 
always  on  your  affectionate  Catharine." 

Assisted  by  the  counsels  of  several  able  naval  officers  of 
different  countries,  Nassau,  before  this  time,  had  gained  a 
victory  over  the  Swedish  fleet.  This  signal  defeat,  which 
soon  produced  peace,  was  deeply  felt  by  the  Empress,  how 
ever  bravely  she  carried  it ;  and  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  though 
loaded  with  honours,  presented  with  a  town-palace  in  St. 
Petersburgh,  an  estate,  numerous  peasants,  and  a  pension  of 
twelve  thousand  roubles,  saw  his  favour  decline,  and  after 
wards  entered  the  service  of  Prussia.  His  conduct  in  the 
Swedish  campaigns  affords,  as  was  said,  a  strong  corrobora- 
tion  of  the  statements  of  Paul  Jones  : — guided  by  abler  men, 
he  succeeded, — left  to  himself,  he  rushed  on  destruction. 

It  is  now  time  to  resume  the  regular  course  of  the  memoir, 
which  left  Paul  Jones  re-entering  St.  Petersburgh. 


BRITISH  INFLUENCE. 


301 


CHAPTER  XL 


T  was  under  very  different  cir 
cumstances  from  those  which 
attended  his  first  triumphal  en 
try  about  eight  months  before, 
that  Jones  returned  to  the  Rus 
sian  capital.  He,  however,  had 
still  sufficient  credit  at  court  to 
obtain  an  audience  of  the  Em 
press,  at  which  he  delivered  the  letter  of  Potemkin.  A  few 
flattering  promises  were  made  to  him  by  Count  de  Besbo- 
rodko,  and  he  immediately  began  his  ordinary  practice  of 
transmitting  plans  and  projects,  both  diplomatic  and  military. 
While  he  hung  on  thus,  vainly  soliciting  employment,  the 
infamous  conspiracy  already  alluded  to  was  formed  against 
his  character  and  fortune,  and  threatening  even  his  life,  the 
object  of  which  is  easily  traced,  though  the  precise  motives 
in  which  it  originated,  and  the  persons  who  imagined  an  in 
terest  in  devising  it,  were  never  clearly  ascertained,  even  by 
the  persecuted  individual  himself.  The  information  on  this 
subject  which  he  procured  long  afterwards,  and  which  will 
be  laid  before  the  reader  in  the  proper  place,  though  plausible, 
is  neither  satisfactory  nor  supported  by  much  evidence.  In 
his  future  correspondence,  Jones  hints  that  he  has  reason  to 
impute  this  most  infamous  proceeding,  if  not  directly  to  En 
glish  influence,  at  least  to  the  desire  of  propitiating  the  English 
26 


302  LETTER  TO  POTEMKIN. 

by  the  sacrifice  of  an  individual  so  obnoxious  as  he  knew 
himself  to  be  to  that  nation.* 

To  Russia,  and  Russians  alone,  however,  belongs  the  entire 
infamy  of  a  conspiracy  to  ruin  a  stranger  who,  it  is  enough 
to  say,  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Potemkin.  In  every 
despotic  court,  but  especially  in  that  of  St.  Petersburgh.  poli 
tical  intriguers  will  never  want  servile  instruments  to  forward 
their  basest  and  darkest  purposes.  In  the  present  case 
these  instruments  were  found  of  all  ranks,  though  but  of  one 
nation. 

The  nature  of  this  disgraceful  affair,  of  which,  but  for  the 
interference  of  Count  Segur,  and  it  might  be  from  some 
latent  dread  of  public  opinion  in  France  and  America,  Jones 
must  have  become  the  victim,  will  be  sufficiently  explained 
by  the  following  letter,  addressed  to  Prince  Potemkin,  after 
the  unhappy  writer  had  been  forbidden  to  appear  at  court, 
and  also  by  an  extract  which  we  shall  give  from  the  Memoirs 
of  Count  Segur  ; — 

Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  Prince  Potemkin. 

"St.  Petersburgh,  13th  April,  1789. 

"  MY  LORD, — Having  had  the  advantage  to  serve  under 
your  orders,  and  in  your  sight,  I  remember,  with  particular 
satisfaction,  the  kind  promises  and  testimonies  of  your  friend 
ship  with  which  you  have  honoured  me.  As  I  have  served 
all  my  life  for  honour,  I  had  no  other  motive  for  accepting 
the  flattering  invitation  of  her  Imperial  Majesty,  than  a  lauda 
ble  ambition  to  distinguish  myself  in  the  service  of  a  sove 
reign  so  magnanimous  and  illustrious ;  for  I  never  yet  have 
bent  the  knee  to  self-interest,  nor  drawn  my  sword  for  hire. 
A  few  days  ago  I  thought  myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in 
the  empire !  Your  Highness  had  renewed  to  me  your 

*  It  is  admitted  by  recent  English  writers  that  Paul  Jones  was  dismissed 
from  the  Russian  service  through  English  influence  with  the  Russian  Court. — 
American  Editor. 


LETTER  TO  POTEMKIN.  303 

promise  of  friendship,  and  the  Empress  had  assigned  me  a 
command  of  a  nature  to  occupy  the  most  active  and  enter 
prising  genius. 

"  A  bad  woman  has  accused  me  of  violating  her  daughter  ! 
If  she  had  told  the  truth,  I  should  have  candour  enough  to 
own  it,  and  would  trust  my  honour,  which  is  a  thousand  times 
dearer  to  me  than  my  Itfe,  to  the  mercy  of  the  Empress.  I 
declare,  with  an  assurance  becoming  a  military  character, 
that  I  am  innocent.  Till  that  unhappy  moment,  I  have  en 
joyed  the  public  esteem,  and  the  affection  of  all  who  knew 
me.  Shall  it  be  said  that  in  Russia  a  wretched  woman,  who 
eloped  from  her  husband  and  family  in  the  country,  stole  away 
her  daughter,  lives  here  in  a  house  of  bad  fame,  and  leads  a 
debauched  and  adulterous  life,  has  found  credit  enough  on  a 
simple  complaint,  unsupported  by  any  proof,  to  affect  the 
honour  of  a  general  officer  of  'reputation,  who  has  merited 
and  received  the  decorations  of  America,  of  France,  and  of 
this  empire  ! 

"  If  I  had  been  favoured  with  the  least  intimation  of  a 
complaint  of  that  nature  having  found  its  way  to  the  Sove 
reign,  I  know  too  well  what  belongs  to  delicacy  to  have  pre 
sented  myself  in  the  presence  of  the  Empress  before  my 
justification. 

"  My  servant  was  kept  prisoner  by  the  officers  of  police 
for  several  hours,  two  days  successively,  and  threatened  with 
the  knout. 

"  After  the  examination  of  my  people  before  the  police,  I 
sent  for  and  employed  Monsieur  Crimpin  as  my  advocate. 
As  the  mother  had  addressed  herself  to  him  before  to  plead 
her  cause,  she  naturally  spoke  to  him  without  reserve,  and  he 
learned  from  her  a  number  of  important  facts,  among  others, 
that  she  was  counselled  and  supported  by  a  distinguished  man 
of  the  court. 

"  By  the  certificate  of  the  father,  attested  by  the  pastor  of 
the  colony,  the  daughter  is  several  years  older  than  is  ex- 


304  LETTER  TO  POTEMKIN. 

pressed  in  the  complaint.  And  the  complaint  contains 
various  other  points  equally  false  and  easy  to  be  refuted. 
For  instance  there  is  a  conversation  I  am  said  to  have  held 
with  the  daughter  in  the  Russian  language,  of  which  no  per 
son  ever  heard  me  pronounce  two  words  together, — it  is  un 
known  to  me. 

"  I  thought  that  in  every  country  a  man  accused  had  a 
right  to  employ  advocates,  and  to  avail  himself  of  his  friends 
for  his  justification.  Judge,  my  Prince,  of  my  astonishment 
and  distress  of  mind,  when  I  yesterday  was  informed  that  the 
day  before,  the  governor  of  the  city  had  sent  for  my  advo 
cate,  and  forbidden  him,  at  his  peril,  or  any  other  person*  to 
meddle  with  my  cause ! 

"  I  am  innocent  before  God  !  and  my  conscience  knows  no 
reproach.  The  complaint  brought  against  me  is  an  infamous 
lie,  and  there  is  no  circumstance  that  gives  it  even  an  air  of 
probability. 

"  I  address  myself  to  you  with  confidence,  my  Prince,  and 
am  assured  that  the  friendship  you  have  so  kindly  promised 
me  will  be  immediately  exerted  in  my  favour;  and  that  you 
will  not  suffer  the  illustrious  Sovereign  of  this  great  empire 
to  be  misled  by  the  false  insinuations  and  secret  cabals  of  my 
hidden  enemies.  Your  mind  will  find  more  true  pleasure  in 
pleading  the  cause  of  an  innocent  man  whom  you  honour 
with  your  friendship,  than  can  result  from  other  victories 
equally  glorious  with  that  of  Oczakow,  which  will  always 
rank  among  the  most  brilliant  of  military  achievements.  If 
your  Highness  will  condescend  to  question  Monsieur  Crimpin, 
(for  he  dare  not  now  even  speak  to  me,)  he  can  tell  you  many 
circumstances  which  will  elucidate  my  innocence.  I  am, 
with  profound  respect,  my  Lord,  your  Highness's  devoted 
and  most  obedient  servant,"  &c.,  &c. 

The  document  referred  to  in  this  letter  appears  quite 
satisfactory.  It  is  a  declaration  by  the  husband  of  the 
woman. 


CERTIFICATES.  305 

"  I  certify,  that  my  wife,  Fredrica  Sophia  Koltzwarthen, 
has  left  me  without  any  reason  ;  that  she  has  been  living  in 
the  city  with  a  young  man;  and  that  she  has  clandestinely, 
and  against  my  will,  taken  away  my  daughter  Catherine 
Charlotte,  who  is  now  living  with  her. 

"  STEPHEN  KOLTZWARTHEN. 

"  Saratowka,  7th  April,  1789." 

"  I  certify,  that  this  is  the  free  and  voluntary  declaration  of 
Stephen  Koltzwarthen,  and  that  it  is  he  who  has  signed  it. 

"  G.  BRAUN,  Pastor. 

"  Saratowka,  7th  April,  1789." 

"  I  certify,  that  my  daughter  is  twelve  years  of  age. 

"  STEPHEN  KOLTZWARTHEN. 

"Saratowka,  7th  April,  1789." 

"  I  certify,  that  Stephen  Koltzwarthen  has  signed  what  is 
above  written. 

"  G.  BRAUN,  Pastor." 

"  Declaration  of  the  Pastor  Lamp  of  St.  Petersburgh. 

"  I  certify,  that  the  name  of  Koltzwarthen  does  not  at  pre 
sent  appear  in  the  roll  of  those  in  the  communion  of  the 
church,  and  that  previous  to  the  day  when  she  came  to 
my  house  about  the  affair  of  her  daughter,  I  had  never 
seen  her. 

"  J.  LAMP,  Pastor:9 

The  result  of  this  letter  to  Potemkin  does  not  appear  ;  and 
any  further  information  concerning  this  affair  must  be  sought 
in  the  Memoirs  of  Count  Segur.  It  was  peculiarly  fortunate 
for  Jones  that  this  nobleman,  a  high-minded  and  generous  in 
dividual,  of  an  honourable  and  a  gallant  nation,  was  at  this 
time  in  Petersburgh.  He  at  once  came  forward  with  warmth 
and  intrepidity  in  defence  of  the  persecuted  stranger. 

"  Paul  Jones,"  he  says,  "  a  sharer  in  the  victories  of  the 
Prince  of  Nassau,  had  returned  to  St.  Petersburgh ;  his 
26* 


306  GENEROSITY  OF  COUNT  SEGUR. 

enemies,  unable  to  bear  the  triumph  of  a  man  whom  they 
treated  as  a  vagabond,  a  rebel,  and  a  corsair,  resolved  to 
destroy  him. 

"  This  atrocity,  which  ought  to  be  imputed  to  some  envious 
cowards,  was,  I  think,  very  unjustly  attributed  to  the  English 
officers  in  the  Russian  navy,  and  to  the  merchants  who  were 
their  countrymen.  These,  in  truth,  did  not  disguise  their 
animosity  against  Paul  Jones ;  but  it  would  be  unjust  to  affix 
upon  all  a  base  intrigue,  which  was,  perhaps,  but  the  work  of 
two  or  three  persons,  who  have  continued  unknown. 

"  The  American  Rear- Admiral  was  favourably  welcomed 
at  Court;  often  invited  to  dinner  by  the  Empress,  and  re 
ceived  with  distinction  into  the  best  society  in  the  city ;  on  a 
sudden,  Catherine  commanded  him  to  appear  no  more  in  her 
presence. 

"  He  was  informed  that  he  was  accused  of  an  infamous 
crime ;  of  assaulting  a  young  girl  of  fourteen,  of  grossly 
violating  her ;  and  that  probably,  after  some  preliminary  in 
formation,  he  would  be  tried  by  the  Courts  of  Admiralty,  in 
which  there  were  many  English  officers,  who  were  strongly 
prejudiced  against  him. 

"  As  soon  as  this  order  was  known,  every  one  abandoned 
the  unhappy  American ;  no  one  spoke  to  him,  people  avoided 
saluting  him,  and  every  door  was  shut  against  him.  All  those 
by  whom  but  yesterday  he  had  been  eagerly  welcomed,  now 
fled  from  him  as  if  he  had  been  infected  with  a  plague ; 
besides,  no  advocate  would  take  charge  of  his  cause,  and  no 
public  man  would  consent  to  listen  to  him ;  at  last  even  his 
servants  would  not  continue  in  his  service ;  and  Paul  Jones, 
whose  exploits  every  one  had  so  recently  been  ready  to  pro 
claim,  and  whose  friendship  had  been  sought  after,  found  him 
self  alone  in  the  midst  of  an  immense  population :  Petersburgh 
a  great  capital,  became  to  him  a  desert. 

"  I  went  to  see  him ;  he  was  moved  even  to  tears  by  my 
visit.  *  I  was  unwilling,'  he  said  to  me,  shaking  me  by  the 


INTRIGUE  AGAINST  JONES.  307 

hand,  '  to  knock  at  your  door,  and  to  expose  myself  to  a  fresh 
affront,  which  would  have  been  more  cutting  than  all  the  rest. 
I  have  braved  death  a  thousand  times,  now  I  wish  for  it.'  His 
appearance,  his  arms  being  laid  upon  the  table,  made  me 
suspect  some  desperate  intention. 

"  '  Resume,'  I  said  to  him,  '  your  composure  and  your 
courage.  Do  you  not  know  that  human  life,  like  the  sea,  has 
its  storms,  and  that  fortune  is  even  more  capricious  than  the 
winds?  If,  as  I  hope,  you  are  innocent,  brave  this  sudden 
tempest ;  if,  unhappily,  you  are  guilty,  confess  it  to  me  with 
unreserved  frankness,  and  I  will  do  everything  I  can  to  snatch 
you,  by  a  sudden  flight,  from  the  danger  which  threatens  you.' 

"  '  I  swear  to  you  upon  my  honour,'  said  he,  'that  I  am 
innocent,  and  a  victim  of  the  most  infamous  calumny.  This 
is  the  truth. — Some  days  since  a  young  girl  came  to  me  in  the 
morning,  to  ask  me  if  I  could  give  her  some  linen  or  lace  to 
mend.  She  then  indulged  in  some  rather  earnest  and  indecent 
allurements.  Astonished  at  so  much  boldness  in  one  of  such 
few  years,  I  felt  compassion  for  her ;  I  advised  her  not  to 
enter  upon  so  vile  a  career,  gave  her  some  money,  and  dis 
missed  her  ;  but  she  was  determined  to  remain. 

"  '  Impatient  at  this  resistance,  I  took  her  by  the  hand  and 
led  her  to  the  door ;  but,  at  the  instant  when  the  door  was 
opened,  the  little  profligate  tore  her  sleeves  and  her  neck-ker 
chief,  raised  great  cries,  complained  that  I  had  assaulted  her, 
and  threw  herself  into  the  arms  of  an  old  woman,  whom  she 
called  her  mother,  and  who,  certainly,  was  not  brought  there 
by  chance.  The  mother  and  the  daughter  raised  the  house 
with  their  cries,  went  out  and  denounced  me ;  and  now  you 
know  all.' 

"  '  Very  well,'  I  said,  '  but  cannot  you  learn  the  names  of 
those  adventurers?'  'The  porter  knows  them/  he  replied. 
'  Here  are  their  names  written  down,  but  I  do  not  know  where 
they  live.  I  was  desirous  of  immediately  presenting  a  me 
morial  about  this  ridiculous  affair,  first  to  the  ministry,  and 


308  INTRIGUE  AGAINST  JONES. 

then  to  the  Empress;  but  I  have  been  interdicted  from  access 
to  both  of  them.'  '  Give  me  the  paper,'  I  said;  'resume  your 
accustomed  firmness; — be  comforted; — let  me  undertake  it; 
— in  a  short  time  we  shall  meet  again.' 

"  As  soon  as  I  had  returned  home,  I  directed  some  sharp 
and  intelligent  agents,  who  \vere  devoted  to  me,  to  get  infor 
mation  respecting  these  suspected  females,  and  to  find  out 
what  was  their  mode  of  life.  I  was  not  long  in  learning  that 
the  old  woman  was  in  the  habit  of  carrying  on  a  vile  traffic 
in  young  girls,  whom  she  passed  off  as  her  daughters. 

"When  I  was  furnished  with  all  the  documents  and  attesta 
tions  for  which  I  had  occasion,  I  hastened  to  show  them  to 
Paul  Jones.  *  You  have  nothing  more  to  fear,'  said  I ;  *  the 
wretches  are  unmasked.  It  is  only  necessary  to  open  the 
eyes  of  the  Empress,  and  let  her  see  how  unworthily  she  has 
been  deceived ;  but  this  is  not  so  very  easy :  truth  encounters 
a  multitude  of  people  at  the  doors  of  a  palace,  who  are  very 
clever  in  arresting  its  progress;  and  sealed  letters  are,  of  all 
others,  those  which  are  intercepted  with  the  greatest  art  and 
care. 

"  *  Nevertheless,  I  know  that  the  Empress,  who  is  not  igno 
rant  of  this,  has  directed,  under  very  heavy  penalties,  that  no 
one  shall  detain  on  the  way  any  letters  which  are  addressed 
to  her  personally,  and  which  may  be  sent  to  her  by  post ; 
therefore,  here  is  a  very  long  letter  which  I  have  written  to 
her  in  your  name ;  nothing  of  the  detail  is  omitted,  although 
it  contains  some  rough  expressions.  I  am  sorry  for  the  Em 
press ;  but  since  she  heard  and  gave  credit  to  a  calumny,  it 
is  but  right  that  she  should  read  the  justification  with  patience. 
Copy  this  letter,  sign  it,  and  I  will  take  charge  of  it ;  I  will 
send  some  one  to  put  it  in  the  post  at  the  nearest  town.  Take 
courage ;  believe  me,  your  triumphris  not  doubtful.' 

"In  fact,  the  letter  was  sent  and  put  in  the  post;  the  Em 
press  received  it;  and,  after  having  read  this  memorial,  which 
was  fully  explanatory,  and  accompanied  by  undeniable  attes- 


INTRIGUE  DEFEATED.  309 

tations,  she  inveighed  bitterly  against  the  informers,  revoked 
her  rigorous  orders,  recalled  Paul  Jones  to  court,  and  received 
him  with  her  usual  kindness. 

"  That  brave  seaman  enjoyed  with  a  becoming  pride  a  re 
paration  which  was  due  to  him ;  but  he  trusted  very  little  to 
the  compliments  that  were  unblushingly  heaped  upon  him  by 
the  many  persons  who  had  fled  from  him  in  his  disgrace  ;  and 
shortly  afterwards,  disgusted  with  a  country  where  the  for 
tune  of  a  man  may  be  exposed  to  such  humiliations,  under  the 
pretence  of  ill  health,  he  asked  leave  of  the  Empress  to  retire, 
which  she  granted  him,  as  well  as  an  honourable  order  and  a 
suitable  pension. 

"  He  took  leave,  after  having  expressed  to  me  his  gratitude 
for  the  service  which  I  had  rendered  him ;  and  his  respect  for 
the  Sovereign,  who,  although  she  might  be  led  into  an  error, 
knew  at  least  how  to  make  an  honourable  reparation  for  a 

fault  and  an  act  of  injustice." 

^ 

This  account  is  substantially  correct.  There  are  some 
petty  errors  of  detail,  but  nothing  whatever  to  detract  from 
the  noble  spirit  of  generosity  in  which  Count  Segur  acted  to 
an  unfortunate  and  ill-treated  man. 

A  letter  to  the  Empress,  which  is  still  among  those  papers 
of  Paul  Jones  which  he  so  carefully  collected  and  preserved, 
cannot  be  that  alluded  to  by  Count  Segur ;  it  has  every  internal 
mark  of  his  own  authorship  ;  and  as  it  is  one  of  his  pieces 
justificatives,  we  are  inclined  to  believe  it  the  letter  really  sent 
to  the  Empress  : — 

(Translation.) 
"  Letter  of  Rear- Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  the  Empress  of  all  the  Russias. 

"  St.  Petersburg}!,  17th  May,  1789. 

"  MADAM, — I  have  never  served  but  for  honour,  I  have 
never  sought  but  glory,  and  I  believed  I  was  in  the  way  of 
obtaining  both,  when,  accepting  the  offers  made  me  on  the 


310  LETTER  TO  THE  EMPRESS. 


Catherine  II. 


part  of  your  Majesty,  I  entered  your  service.  I  was  in  Ame 
rica  when  M.  de  Simolin,  through  Mr.  Jefferson,  Minister  of 
the  United  States  at  Paris,  proposed  to  me,  in  name  of  your 
Majesty,  to  take  the  chief  command  of  the  forces  in  the 
Black  Sea,  which  were  intended  to  act  against  the  Turks.  I 
abandoned  my  dearest  interests  to  accept  an  invitation  so 
flattering,  and  I  would  have  reached  you  instantly  if  the 
United  States  had  not  intrusted  me  with  a  special  commission 
to  Denmark.  Of  this  I  acquitted  myself  faithfully  and 
promptly."  Here  follows  a  detail  of  that  singular  voyage 
performed  by  the  Chevalier  in  his  haste  and  zeal  to  reach  St. 
Petersburgh,  with  the  particulars  of  which  the  reader  is 
already  acquainted.  We  pass  this,  and  resume : — "  The  dis- 


LETTER  TO  THE  EMPRESS.  311 

tinguished  reception  which  your  Majesty  deigned  to  grant  me, 
the  kindness  with  which  you  loaded  me,  indemnified  me  for 
the  dangers  to  which  I  had  exposed  myself  for  your  service, 
and  inspired  me  with  the  most  ardent  desire  to  encounter 
more.  But  knowing  mankind,  and  aware  that  those  persons 
whom  their  superiors  distinguish  and  protect  are  ever  the 
objects  of  jealousy  and  envy  to  the  worthless,  I  entreated 
your  Majesty  never  to  condemn  me  unheard.  You  con 
descended  to  give  me  that  promise,  and  I  set  out  with  .a  mind 
as  tranquil  as  my  heart  was  satisfied. 

"  In  the  ports  of  the  Black  Sea  I  found  affairs  in  a  very 
critical  condition.  The  most  imminent  danger  threatened  us, 
and  our  means  were  feeble.  Nevertheless,  supported  by  the 
love  which  all  your  subjects  bear  to  your  Majesty,  by  their 
courage,  by  the  ability  and  foresight  of  the  chief  who  led  us, 
and  by  the  Providence  which  has  always  favoured  the  arms 
of  your  Majesty,  we  beat  your  enemies,  and  your  flag  was 
covered  with  fresh  laurels. 

"  I  would  not  notice,  Madam,  what  I  then  achieved,  if 
Prince  Potemkin  had  not  distinguished  my  services  by 
reiterated  thanks,  both  in  speech  and  writing ;  and  if  your 
Majesty,  informed  by  the  Prince-Marshal  of  my  conduct  in 
the  first  affair  which  took  place  on  the  Liman,  had  not  in 
vested  me  with  the  honourable  badge  of  the  Order  of  St. 
Anne.  Since  that  period,  though  I  have  been  hampered  by 
limited  orders,  I  have  committed  no  professional  error;  I 
have  often  exposed  myself  to  personal  danger,  and  I  have 
even  stooped  to  sacrifice  my  personal  feelings  and  interests 
to  my  devotion  for  the  good  of  the  service. 

"  At  the  close  of  the  campaign  I  received  orders  to  return 
to  court,  as  your  Majesty  intended  to  employ  me  in  the  North 
Seas,  and  I  brought  with  me  a  letter  from  Prince  Potemkin 
for  your  Majesty,  in  which  he  mentioned  my  zeal  and  the 
importance  of  my  services.  I  had  the  honour  to  present  it, 
and  M.  le  Comte  de  Besborodko  acquainted  me  that  a  com- 


312  LETTER  TO  THE  EMPRESS. 

mand  of  greater  importance  than  that  of  the  Black  Sea,  and 
affording  full  scope  for  the  display  of  talent  and  intelligence, 
was  intended  for  me.  Such  was  my  situation,  when,  upon 
the  mere  accusation  of  a  crime,  the  very  idea  of  which 
wounds  my  delicacy,  I  was  driven  from  court,  deprived  of 
the  good  opinion  of  your  Majesty,  and  forced  to  employ  the 
time  which  I  wish  to  devote  to  the  defence  of  your  empire  in 
clearing  myself  from  the  stains  with  which  calumny  had 
covered  me. 

"  Condescend  to  believe,  Madam,  that  if  I  had  got  the 
slightest  hint  that  a  complaint  of  such  a  nature  had  been 
made  against  me,  and  still  more  that  it  had  reached  your 
Majesty,  I  know  too  well  what  is  owing  to  delicacy  to  have 
ventured  to  appear  before  you  till  I  was  completely  ex 
culpated. 

"  Knowing  neither  the  laws,  the  language,  nor  the  forms 
of  justice  of  this  country,  I  needed  an  advocate,  and  ob 
tained  one  ;  but,  whether  from  terror  or  intimidation,  he  stopt 
short  all  at  once,  and  durst  not  undertake  my  defence,  though 
convinced  of  the  justice  of  my  cause.  But  truth  may  always 
venture  to  show  itself  alone  and  unsupported  at  the  foot  of 
the  throne  of  your  Majesty.  I  have  not  hesitated  to  labour 
unaided  for  my  own  vindication  ;  I  have  attested  proofs  ;  and 
if  such  details  may  appear  under  the  eyes  of  your  Majesty, 
I  present  them,  and  if  your  Majesty  will  deign  to  order  some 
person  to  examine  them,  it  will  be  seen  by  the  report  which 
will  be  made,  that  my  crime  is  a  fiction,  invented  by  the 
avarice  of  a  wretched  woman,  who  has  been  countenanced, 
perhaps  incited,  by  the  malice  of  my  numerous  enemies. 
Her  husband  has  given  evidence  of  her  infamous  conduct. 
His  signature  is  in  my  hands,  and  the  pastor  of  the  district 
has  assured  me,  that  if  the  college  of  justice  will  give  him  an 
order  to  this  effect,  he  will  obtain  an  attestation  from  the 
country  people  that  the  mother  of  the  girl  referred  to  is  a 
wretch  absolutely  unworthy  of  belief. 


LETTER  TO  THE  EMPRESS.  313 

"  Take  a  soldier's  word,  Madam ;  believe  an  officer  whom 
two  great  nations  esteem,  and  who  has  been  honoured  with 
flattering  marks  of  their  approbation,  (of  which  your  Majesty 
will  soon  receive  a  direct  proof  from  the  United  States,*)  I 
am  innocent !  and  if  I  were  guilty,  I  would  not  hesitate  to 
make  a  candid  avowal  of  my  fault,  and  to  commit  my  honour, 
which  is  a  thousand  times  dearer  to  me  than  my  life,  to  the 
hands  of  your  Majesty. 

"  If  you  deign,  Madam,  to  give  heed  to  this  declaration, 
proceeding  from  a  heart  the  most  frank  and  loyal,  I  venture 
from  your  justice  to  expect  that  my  zeal  will  not  remain 
longer  in  shameful  and  humiliating  inaction.  It  has  been 
useful  to  your  Majesty,  and  may  again  be  so,  especially  in  the 
Mediterranean,  where,  with  insignificant  means,  I  will  under 
take  to  execute  most  important  operations,  the  plans  for  which 
I  have  meditated  long  and  deeply.  But  if  circumstances,  of 
which  I  am  ignorant,  do  not  admit  the  possibility  of  my  being 
employed  during  the  campaign,  I  hope  your  Majesty  will 
give  me  permission  to  return  to  France  or  America,  granting, 
as  the  sole  reward  of  the  services  I  have  rendered,  the  hope 
of  renewing  them  at  some  future  day. 

"  Nothing  can  ever  change  or  efface  in  my  heart  the  deep 
feelings  of  devotedness  with  which  your  Majesty  has  inspired 
me. 

"  To  you,  Madam,  I  am  personally  devoted.  I  would 
rather  have  my  head  struck  off  than  see  those  ties  broken 
asunder  which  bind  me  to  your  service.  At  the  feet  of  your 
Majesty  I  swear  to  be  ever  faithful  to  you,  as  well  as  to  the 
empire,  of  which  you  form  the  happiness,  the  ornament,  and 
the  glory. — I  am, 

With  the  most  profound  respect, 

Madam,  &c." 

There  are,  as  was  said,  several  important  mistakes,  though 

*  Referring  to  the  medal  ordered  to  be  struck  by  Congress. 

27 


314  DIPLOMACY. 

no  wilful  misrepresentation  whatever,  in  the  details  given  by 
Count  Segur.  Though  Jones  was  so  far  exculpated  as  to  be 
permitted  to  appear  again  at  court,  it  was  merely  for  the  cere 
mony  of  taking  leave  of  the  Empress  and  royal  family,  when 
he  had,  as  will  appear,  been  virtually  dismissed  from  Russia. 
The  Order  of  St.  Anne,  to  which  Segur  refers,  he  had  obtained 
long  before.  So  far  was  he  from  receiving  any  pension  from 
Russia,  that  his  small  appointments  were  tardily  paid,  and  not 
till  after  repeated  solicitation.  Instead  of  being  loaded  "  with 
compliments,"  he  was  treated  while  he  continued  to  hang  on 
in  the  hope  of  employment,  first  with  the  most  chilling  neglect, 
and  afterwards  with  repulsive  rudeness.  Besborodko,  the 
favourite  minister  of  Catherine,  who,  on  his  coming  to  Russia, 
had  overwhelmed  the  Rear- Admiral  with  kindness,  shut  his 
doors  in  the  face  of  the  supernumerary  officer,  and  did  not 
affect  to  disguise  his  weariness  and  disgust  of  the  applausive 
recapitulations  of  past  services  and  projects  for  future  mari 
time  achievements  with  which  he  continued  to  be  annoyed 
by  the  man  whose  day  was  gone  by.  The  alleged  crime  of 
the  Rear-Admiral,  had  his  guilt  even  been  established,  would, 
we  are  apt  to  think,  have  been  no  insurmountable  barrier  to 
his  success  in  Russia,  had  a  continuance  of  his  services  been 
wished  for;  nor  was  his  innocence  found  any  recommenda 
tion.  The  Empress  may  have  expressed  herself  in  the  terms 
stated  by  Count  Segur,  but  this  as  certainly  produced  no 
favourable  change  in  the  position  of  the  party  so  grossly  in 
jured.  His  correspondence  with  Besborodko,  after  this  affair 
had  been  closed  up,  shows  the  real  nature  of  his  situation,  and 
affords  a  painful  and  humiliating  picture  of  the  dying  struggles 
of  ambition. 

To  strengthen  his  interests  in  Russia,  Paul  Jones  at  this 
time  endeavoured  to  bring  into  play  a  little  diplomatic  in 
fluence,  knowing  the  avidity  with  which  that  grasping  and 
ambitious  power  caught  at  every  appearance  of  advantage. 
He  had  written  thus  to  Mr.  Jefferson  soon  after  his  return 


LETTER  TO  THE  MINISTER.  315 

from  the  Liman : — "  I  can  only  inform  you  that  I  returned 
here  by  the  special  desire  of  the  Empress,  but  I  know  not  as 
yet  how  or  where  I  am  to  be  employed  for  the  next  campaign. 
1  mentioned  in  my  last,  as  my  opinion,  that  if  the  new 
government  of  America  determines  to  chastise  the  Algerines, 
I  think  it  now  a  favourable  moment  to  conclude  a  treaty  with 
Russia.  The  Turks  and  Algerines  were  combined  against  us 
on  the  Black  Sea.  The  United  States  could  grant  leave  for 
Russia  to  enlist  American  seamen,  and,  making  a  common 
cause  with  Russia  in  the  Mediterranean,  might  at  the  peace 
obtain  a  free  navigation  from  and  to  the  Black  Sea.  Such  a 
connexion  might  lead  to  various  advantages  in  the  commerce 
between  the  two  nations." 

Whether  Mr.  Jefferson  thought  the  Admiral  too  desirous 
of  cutting  out  work  for  himself,  or  that  he  rather  stepped  out 
of  his  department  in  interfering  in  such  affairs,  his  hints  appear 
to  have  met  with  the  return  to  which  he  was  well  accustomed 
— neglect, — neglect  which  might  have  repelled  a  haughtier 
spirit,  and  which,  in  many  instances,  was  keenly  felt  by  him, 
without,  however,  deterring  him  from  renewed  attempts  to 
bring  himself  by  every  possible  means  into  notice. 

He  waited  for  some  weeks  after  his  character  was  cleared 
at  court  before  he  sent  the  minister  the  following  letters,  which 
were  formerly  alluded  to : — 

"  To  his  Excellency  Count  Besborodko  from  Rear- Admiral  Paul  Jones. 

"ST.  PETERSBURGH,  24th  June,  1789. 

"  SIR, — When  I  had  the  honour  to  see  your  Excellency 
last  week,  I  ventured  to  promise  myself  that  in  two  days  I 
would  be  made  acquainted  with  the  ulterior  intention  of  her 
Majesty,  whether  this  was  to  give  me  a  command,  or  a  tem 
porary  leave  of  absence.  No  doubt  important  affairs  have 
occasioned  the  delay.  You  will,  I  hope,  have  the  goodness 
to  permit  me  to  present  myself  at  your  hotel  to-morrow  after- 


316  LETTER  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

noon;  for  if  it  is  thought  fit  to  employ  my  services,  there  is 
no  time  to  lose,  seeing  the  advance  of  the  season. 

"The  detachment  of  vessels  of  which  your  Excellency  spoke 
to  me  might  probably  be  most  useful  in  the  operations  which 
I  have  projected ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  regard  the  plan 
mentioned  in  the  private  note  which  I  have  sent  you  as  very 
useful.  I  would  then  wish  (if  circumstances  permitted)  to 
combine  these  plans  ;  and  then  I  think  there  would  be  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  the  result. 

"  I  have  mentioned  to  your  Excellency  that  I  am  the  only 
officer  who  made  the  campaign  of  the  Liman  without  being 
promoted ;  but  I  beseech  you  to  believe  that  I  have  not  ac 
cepted  of  service  in  Russia  to  occasion  embarrassment;  and 
since  the  Empress  had  given  me  her  esteem  and  her  confi 
dence,  I  wish  for  nothing  save  new  opportunities  to  prove  my 
devotion  by  fresh  services." 

This  letter  elicited  no  reply,  and  produced  no  improvement 
in  the  situation  of  the  applicant,  save  that  the  leave  of  absence 
at  which  he  hinted,  though  it  was  the  last  thing  he  wished  for, 
was  at  once  accorded,  there  being  evidently  an  anxious  wish 
to  be  rid  of  himself,  his  projects,  and  importunities.  The  sub 
joined  letter,  written  soon  afterwards,  may  teach  a  lesson  of 
contentment,  and  even  of  cheerful  gratitude,  to  those  persons, 
if  such  there  be,  who,  in  their  ignorance  of  public  life,  may 
envy  the  brilliant  fortunes  of  a  successful  warrior  under  the 
patronage  of  a  despotic  sovereign. 

"  Rear- Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  Count  de  Besborodko. 

"  ST.  PETERSBURGH,  14th  July,  1789. 

"  SIR, — I  presented  myself  at  your  hotel  the  day  before 
yesterday,  to  take  leave,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  entreat  of 
you  to  expedite  my  commission,  my  passport,  and  the  leave 
of  absence  which  her  Majesty  has  thought  fit  to  grant  me. 
Though  I  have  perceived  on  several  former  occasions  that 
you  have  shunned  giving  me  any  opportunity  to  speak  with 


LETTER  TO  THE  MINISTER.  317 

you,  I  made  myself  certain  that  this  could  not  occur  at  a  last 
interview ;  and  I  confess  I  was  very  much  surprised  to  see 
you  go  out  by  another  door,  and  depart  without  a  single  ex 
pression  of  ordinary  civility  addressed  to  me  at  the  moment 
of  my  leaving  Russia,  to  console  me  for  all  the  bitter  morti 
fications  I  have  endured  in  this  empire.  Before  coming  to 
Russia  I  had  been  connected  with  several  governments,  and 
no  minister  ever  either  refused  me  an  audience,  or  failed  to 
reply  to  my  letters. 

"  After  the  eagerness  with  which  my  services  were  sought, 
and  the  fair  promises  that  were  made  me,  I  had  reason  to 
believe  that  I  would  find  in  Russia  everything  pleasant  and 
agreeable.  I  was  confirmed  in  this  belief  from  the  essential 
services  which  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  render  the  empire. 
I  am  aware  that  your  Excellency  is  sometimes  teased  by  im 
portunate  persons,  but,  as  I  am  a  man  of  delicacy  in  every 
thing,  I  deserve  to  be  distinguished  from  the  common  herd. 

"  On  the  6th  of  June,  the  last  time  you  gave  me  an  oppor 
tunity  of  speaking  with  you,  I  gave  you  a  confidential  note, 
containing  the  details  of  a  plan  by  which,  without  inter 
fering  with  any  other  project,  and  with  the  utmost  economy, 
great  service  might  be  done  to  Russia.  You  promised  to 
submit  it  to  the  Empress  ;  and  you  yourself  proposed  to  place 
a  detachment  of  vessels  under  my  command,  to  serve  during 
the  existing  campaign  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  afterwards  in  the 
Mediterranean.  I  could  not  have  imagined  that  these  plans 
were  so  carelessly  to  be  thrown  aside ;  and,  in  place  of  dis 
cussing  and  arranging  them  with  you,  I  was  very  much  as 
tonished  when  his  Excellency  the  Count  de  Bruce  announced 
to  me  that  the  Empress  had  granted  me  a  leave  of  two  years. 

"  On  the  1st  of  February  I  gave  in,  by  order  of  his  Excel 
lency,  Count  Ostermann,  the  plan  of  a  treaty,  political  and 
commercial,  between  Russia  and  the  United  States.  As  the 
Vice-Chancellor  spoke  to  me  of  going  to  America  about  this 
purpose,  and  as  I  shall  soon  again  be  connected  with  my  old 
27* 


318  AUDIENCE  OF  LEAVE. 

friends  who  constitute  the  present  government  of  the  United 
States,  I  would  be  extremely  happy  to  learn,  through  your 
Excellency,  the  intentions  of  her  Imperial  Majesty  in  this 
respect,  and  to  be  appointed  to  forward  an  alliance  by  which 
Russia  must  gain. 

"  The  United  States  having  concluded  a  treaty  of  friend 
ship  and  commerce  with  the  Emperor  of  Morocco,  are  about 
to  propose  to  the  different  powers  of  Europe  a  war  with  the 
other  Barbary  states,  and  to  form  a  confederation  against 
these  pirates,  till  they  shall  be  annihilated  as  maritime  powers. 
It  is  proposed,  that  even  the  event  of  a  war  between  the  con 
tracting  parties  shall  not  disturb  the  confederation.  It  would 
be  worthy  of  the  august  Sovereign  of  this  empire  to  place 
herself  at  the  head  of  an  alliance  so  honourable,  and  of  which 
the  consequences  must  be  so  useful  to  Russia.  It  would  give 
me  peculiar  satisfaction  if  your  Excellency  thought  fit  to  ap 
point  me  to  make  known  the  intentions  of  the  Empress  to  the 
United  States  on  these  two  points,  and  I  trust  I  should 
be  able  to  acquit  myself  of  so  honourable  a  duty  to  your 
contentment. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  sincere  attachment  and  high 
consideration,"  &c,  &c. 

His  Excellency  did  not  "  think  fit"  to  make  the  solicited  ap 
pointment. 

The  Rear- Admiral,  as  unfortunate  in  his  attempts  to  obtain 
a  diplomatic  mission  as  a  naval  command,  was  now  obliged 
to  turn  his  back  on  Russia,  and  devour  his  chagrin  and  dis 
appointment  as  he  best  could.  He  had,  however,  the  honour 
of  an  audience  of  leave,  though  he  found  considerable  diffi 
culty  in.obtaining  his  pay  and  arrears.  "  When,"  he  says  in  a 
letter  to  M.  Genet,  "  the  Count  de  Bruce  sent  for  me  on  the 
27th  June,"  (two  days  only  .after  his  letter  to  Besborodko,) 
"  he  told  me,  on  the  part  of  the  Empress,  that  her  Imperial 
Majesty  had  granted  me  a  leave  for  two  years,  with  the  ap 
pointments  belonging  to  my  military  rank  during  my  absence. 


COUNT  SEGUR'S  LETTER.  319 

The  Count  de  Besborodko  wrote  me,  30th  July,  informing  me 
that  M.  de  Strekalow  had  received  her  Majesty's  orders  with 
respect  to  my  appointments  and  arrearages.  I  have  not  been 
able  to  see  M.  de  Strekalow,  though  I  have  called  frequently 
at  the  cabinet.  I  have  only  received  my  appointments  from 
the  time  of  my  entry  into  the  service  to  the  1st  of  July,  at  the 
rate  of  1800  roubles*  a-year ;  and  I  was  told  yesterday  at  the 
cabinet,  that  her  Majesty  likewise  mentions  nothing  but  the 
appointments  then  due.  If  I  could  believe  that  this  was  her 
Majesty's  intention  I  should  remain  silent ;  for  I  certainly  did 
not  accept  the  service  her  Majesty  offered  me  on  account  of 
my  appointments  or  the  usual  emoluments  of  my  grade." 

He  was  satisfied  in  this  respect,  and  thus  left  St.  Peters- 
burgh. 

The  reader,  in  possession  of  the  real  circumstances  attending 
the  departure  of  Paul  Jones  from  Russia,  will  be  able  to  esti 
mate  aright  the  following  letter  and  paragraph,  put  forth  from 
the  kindest  motives  by  Count  de  Segur,  immediately  before 
the  Rear-Adrniral  left  that  country  : — 

Count  de  Segur  to  Count  Montmorin. 

"St.  Petersburgh,  21st  July,  1789. 

"  The  enemies  of  the  Vice- Admiral  Paul  Jones  having 
caused  to  be  circulated  reports  entirely  destitute  of  foundation, 
concerning  the  journey  which  this  general  officer  is  about  to 
undertake,  I  would  wish  the  enclosed  article,  the  authenticity 
of  which  I  guarantee,  should  be  inserted  in  the  Gazette  of 
France,  and  in  the  other  public  papers  which  are  submitted 
to  the  inspection  of  your  department.  This  article  will  unde 
ceive  those  who  have  believed  the  calumny,  and  will  prove  to 
the  friends  and  to  the  compatriots  of  the  Vice- Admiral,  that 
he  has  sustained  the  reputation  acquired  by  his  bravery  and 
his  talents  during  the  last  war ;  that  the  Empress  desires  to 


*  A  rouble  was  in  1789  worth  about  four  shillings  English  money. 


320  JONES  LEAVES  ST.  PETERSRURGH. 

retain  him  in  her  service ;  and  that  if  he  absents  himself  at 
this  moment,  it  is  with  his  own  free-will,  and  for  particular 
reasons,  which  cannot  leave  any  stain  on  his  honour. 

"  The  glorious  marks  of  the  satisfaction  and  bounty  of  the 
King  towards  M.  Paul  Jones,  his  attachment  to  France,  which 
he  has  served  so  usefully  in  the  common  cause,  his  rights  as 
a  subject  and  as  an  admiral  of  the  United  States,  the  protec 
tion  of  the  ministers  of  the  King  and  my  personal  friendship 
for  this  distinguished  officer,  with  whom  I  made  a  campaign 
in  America,  are  so  many  reasons  which  appear  to  me  to  jus 
tify  the  interest  which  I  took  in  all  that  concerned  him  during 
his  stay  in  Russia. 

"  THE  COUNT  DE  SEGUR." 

"  Article  to  be  inserted  in  the  Public  Prints,  and  particularly  in  the  Gazette 

of  France. 

"  St.  Petersburg!!,  21st  July,  1789.— The  Vice- Admiral  Paul 
Jones  being  on  the  point  of  returning  to  France,  where  private 
affairs  require  his  presence,  had  the  honour  to  take  leave  of 
the  Empress  the  7th  of  this  month,  and  to  be  admitted  to  kiss 
the  hand  of  her  Imperial  Majesty,  *  who  confided  to  him  the 
command  of  her  vessels  of  war  stationed  on  the  Lirnan  during 
the  campaign  of  1788.  As  a  mark  of  favour  for  his  conduct 
during  this  campaign,  the  Empress  has0  decorated  him  with 
the  insignia  of  the  order  of  St.  Anne  ;  and  her  Imperial 
Majesty,  satisfied  with  his  services,  only  grants  him  permission 
to  absent  himself  for  a  limited  time,  and  still  preserves  for 
him  his  emoluments  and  his  rank." 

This  was  putting  the  best  face  on  the  affair ;  and  the  par 
agraph  appeared  in  the  Gazette  of  France,  and  in  many  other 
journals. 

Early  in  September  Jones  left  St.  Petersburgh  for  Warsaw, 

*  "  This  general  officer,  so  celebrated  by  his  brilliant  actions  during  the 
course  of  the  American  war,  was  called,  in  1787,  to  the  service  of  her  Impe 
rial  Majesty ."" — Note  to  the  Newspaper  Paragraph. 


M.  DE  GENET'S  CONDUCT.  321 

furnished  with  letters  of  introduction,  explanation,  and  vindi 
cation,  from  the  Count  de  Segur  to  different  individuals,  all 
written  in  the  same  generous  spirit  as  the  above.  The  kind 
ness  of  Count  Segur  to  a  man  placed  in  a  situation  generally 
so  fatal  to  court-friendships  does  him  great  honour.  His 
original  letters  still  remain  among  the  papers  of  the  Rear- Ad 
miral,  who,  however,  transmitted  copies  of  them  to  many  of 
his  friends.  Count  Segur  was  not  the  only  Frenchman  who 
sustained  the  calumniated  stranger  under  the  base  attempts 
of  his  enemies.  M.  de  Genet,  the  younger,  was  at  this  time 
the  secretary  of  legation  at  St.  Petersburgh.  Paul  Jones,  at 
a  former  period,  had  been  intimate  with  the  father  and 
family  of  this  gentleman  at  Versailles,  and  the  young  French 
man  did  not  now  forget  his  father's  former  friend.  M.  de 
Genet  undertook  the  arrangement  of  his  pecuniary  affairs 
with  the  Russian  government,  and  gave  him  a  letter  to  his 
sister,  the  celebrated  Madame  Campan,  explaining  the 
atrocious  slanders  propagated  in  St.  Petersburgh,  and  placing 
the  innocence  of  the  calumniated  individual  beyond  all 
suspicion.  This  original  letter  also  remains  among  the  papers 
of  the  Rear-Admiral.  It  was  some  'months  before  he  re 
turned  to  Paris,  and  he  might  then  have  felt  reluctant  to 
revive  the  recollection  of  a  charge  so  disgusting  as  to  make 
the  task  of  vindication  both  humiliating  and  painful  to  a  mind 
of  any  delicacy. 

In  1791,  in  wrriting  from  Paris  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  in 
America,  Jones  gives  the  following  clue  to  the  mystery  of  his 
treatment  in  Russia.  "  Chevalier  Littlepage,  now  here  on 
his  way  from  Spain  to  the  north,  has  promised  me  a  letter  to 
you  on  my  subject,  which  I  presume  will  show  you  the  mean 
ness  and  absurdity  of  the  intrigues  that  were  practised  for 
my  persecution  at  St.  Petersburgh.  I  did  not  myself  com 
prehend  all  the  blackness  of  that  business  till  he  came  here, 
and  related  to  me  the  information  he  received  from  a  gentle 
man  of  high  rank  in  the  diplomatic  department,  with  whom 


322  LETTER  TO  JEFFERSON, 

he  had  travelled  in  company  from"  Madrid  to  Paris.  That 
gentleman  had  long  resided  in  a  public  character  at  St. 
Petersburgh,  and  was  there  all  the  time  of  the  pitiful  complot 
against  me,  which  was  conducted  by  a  little  great  man  be 
hind  the  curtain.  The  unequalled  reception  with  which  I 
had  at  first  been  honoured  by  the  Empress  had  been  ex 
tremely  mortifying  and  painful  to  the  English  at  St.  Peters- 
burgh  ;  and  the  courtier  just  mentioned,  (finding  that  politics 
had  taken  a  turn  far  more  alarming  than  he  had  expected  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war,)  wishing  to  soothe  the  Court  of 
London  into  a  pacific  humour,  found  no  first  step  so  expedient 
as  that  of  sacrificing  me.  But,  instead  of  producing  the 
effect  he  wished,  this  base  conduct,  on  which  he  pretended  to 
ground  a  conciliation,  rather  tended  to  widen  the  political 
breach,  and  made  him  despised  by  the  English  minister,  by 
the  English  cabinet,  and  by  the  gentleman  who  related  the 
secret  to  Mr.  Littlepage."  The  letter  of  Mr.  Littlepage, 
transmitted  to  Mr.  Jefferson  along  with  the  above,  in  part 
confirms  this  solution  of  an  intrigue,  so  essentially  Rus 
sian.  Yet  there  remains  some  secret  cause  and  move 
ment  which  it  is  impossible  to  fathom.  "  The  campaign 
upon  the  Liman,"  says  Chevalier  Littlepage,  "  added  lustre 
to  the  arms  of  Russia,  and  ought  to  have  established  for 
ever  the  reputation  and  fortune  of  the  gallant  officer  to  whose 
conduct  those  successes  were  owing."  (Littlepage  attributes 
to  the  Rear-Admiral  the  entire  success  of  the  campaign  of 
1788  ;  not,  like  Count  Segur,  dividing  his  laurels  with  Nas 
sau  ;  and  it  is  to  be  remembered,  that  Littlepage  was  an  eye 
witness  of  an  important  part  of  it.)  "  Unfortunately,"  he 
continues,  "  in  Russia,  more  perhaps  than  elsewhere,  every 
thing  is  governed  by  intrigue.  Some  political  motives,  I 
have  reason  to  think,  concurred  in  depriving  Rear-Admiral 
Paul  Jones  of  the  fruits  of  his  service ;  he  was  thought  to 
be  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  English  nation,  and  the  idea 
of  paying  a  servile  compliment  to  a  power  whose  emnity  oc- 


JONES  AT  WARSAW.  323 

casions  all  the  present  embarrassments  of  Russia  induced 
some  leading  persons  to  ruin  him,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Em 
press,  by  an  accusation  too  ridiculous  to  be  mentioned." 

On  leaving  Warsaw,  it  was  the  intention  of  Paul  Jones  to 
return  to  France  by  Copenhagen  and  Berlin ;  but,  as  it  was 
known  that  he  had  left  Russia  dissatisfied,  he  deemed  it  best 
to  avoid  all  farther  occasion  of  giving  his  enemies  any  handle 
against  him,  and  accordingly  kept  away  from  places  where  it 
might  be  presumed  that  he  was  tempted  to  tell  tales,  or  utter 
complaints. 

Disgrace  at  Petersburgh  did  not  at  this  juncture  imply  a 
cold  reception  at  Warsaw  ;  and  in  this  capital — soon  to  be  a 
capital  no  more — Jones  was  well  received,  and  remained  for 
t\vo  months.  From  Warsaw  he  despatched  the  Journal  of 
his  American  Campaigns  for  the  perusal  of  the  Empress,  and 
also  an  abridgment  of  the  Journal  of  his  Campaign  on  the 
Liman.  Her  Imperial  Majesty  hap1,  it  seems,  at  some  former 
period,  civilly  expressed  a  desire  to  see  his  Journal  of  the 
American  war.  The  old  spirit  was  not  yet  quite  subdued. 
"  I  have  added,"  he  says,  "  some  testimonies  of  the  high  and 
unanimous  consideration  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  pri 
vate  esteem  with  which  I  was  honoured  by  several  great  men 
to  whom  I  am  perfectly  knoivn,  such  as  M.  Malsherbes  and  the 
Count  d'Estaing  of  France,  and  Mr.  Morris,  minister  of  the 
American  marine.  I  owe  to  my  own  reputation  and  to  truth, 
to  accompany  this  Journal  with  an  abridgment  of  that  of 
the  campaign  of  the  Liman.  If  you,  Madam,  read  it  with 
attention,  you  will  see  how  little  I  have  deserved  the  mortifi 
cations  I  have  suffered, — mortifications  which  the  justice  and 
goodness  of  your  Majesty  can  alone  make  me  forget. 

"  As  I  never  offended  in  word  or  thought  against  the  laws 
of  the  strictest  delicacy,  it  would  assuredly  be  most  desirable 
to  me  to  have  the  happiness  of  regaining,  in  spite  of  the 
malice  of  my  enemies,  the  precious  esteem  of  your  Majesty. 
I  would  have  taken  leave  with  a  heart  fully  satisfied,  had  I 


324  LETTER  TO  THE  EMPRESS. 

been  sent  to  fight  the  enemies  of  the  Empress,  instead  of  oc 
cupying  myself  with  my  own  private  affairs. 

"  Trusting  entirely  on  the  gracious  promise  that  your  Ma 
jesty  gave  me,  *  never  to  condemn  me  without  a  hearing,'  and 
being  devoted  to  you,  heart  and  soul, 

"  I  am  with  profound  respect,"  &c.  &c. 

To  ensure  the  Journal  reaching  the  hands  of  the  Empress, 
this  postscript  is  added  to  the  above  loyal  effusion: — "  I  shall 
have  the  honour  of  sending  the  Journal  by  the  courier  of  Wed 
nesday  next,  with  the  proofs  of  every  separate  article.  It  will 
be  sealed  with  my  arms,  and  addressed  to  your  Majesty,  and 
sent  under  a  second  cover,  to  the  address  of  M.  de  Chrapo- 
witzky."  With  all  these  precautions  he  feared  that  his  Jour 
nal  was  intercepted,  as  it  contained  such  "  damning  proofs 
against  his  enemies." 


MOTTKR  TO   KOSCll'SKO 


CHAPTER  XII. 

URIJXG  his  stay  in  Warsaw, 
Paul  Jones  became  known  to 
the  celebrated  Kosciusko.  On 
leaving  Poland  he  sent  a  fare 
well  note  to  this  noble  patriot 
and  determined  hater  of  Rus 
sia,  which  was  followed  by  a 
rather  singular  correspondence. 
Sweden  was  at  this  time  in  the 
heat  of  war,  and  it  had  been 
rumoured  that  the  discontented  American,  who  had  for  a  brief 
space  prided  himself  on  being  a  Russian  officer,  was  now 
ready  to  take  service  with  Gustavus  III.  This  report  was 
one  reason  for  Jones  avoiding  the  route  of  Copenhagen  on  his 
way  to  Holland,  and  choosing  rather  to  go  by  Vienna. 

"  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  Major  General  Kosciusko. 

WARSAW,  November  2d,  1789. 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL,— I  intend  to  set  out  this  day  for  Vienna, 
where  I  shall  only  stop  a  few  days.  I  shall  then  go  to 
Strasburgh,  and  from  thence  to  Holland,  where  I  expect  to 
arrive  before  the  1st  of  December.  My  address  in  Holland 
is  under  cover  to  Messieurs  Nic.  and  Jacob  Stophorst,  Am 
sterdam. 

"  As  I   shall  be  in  relation  with  our  friends  in   America, 
I   shall  not  fail  to  mention  on  all  occasions  the  honourable 
employment  and  the  respect  you  have  attained  in  your  own 
28 


LETTER  TO  KOSCIUSKO. 


Kosciusko. 


country,  and  the  great  regard  you  retain  for  the  natives  of 
America,  where  your  character  is  esteemed,  and  your  name 
justly  beloved  for  your  services. — I  am,"  &c. 


KOSCIUSKO'S  ANSWER.  337 

The  letter  of  General  Kosciusko*  is  written  in  English,  a 
language  which  he  wrote  but  imperfectly.  The  original  or 
thography  is  retained. 

"  General  Kosciusko  to  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones,  Amsterdam.  1 

"WARSAW,  15th  February,  1790. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  the  honour  to  write  you  the  1st  or 
3d  of  February.  I  do  not  recollect ;  but  I  gave  you  the  in 
formation  to  apply  to  the  minister  of  Sweden  at  the  Hague, 
for  the  propositions  (according  to  what  M.  D'Engestrom  told 
me)  they  both  had  order  to  communicate  you.  I  wish  with 
all  my  heart  that  could  answer  your  expectation.  I  am  totaly 

*  THADDEUS  KOSCIUSKO  was  a  native  of  Poland,  and  of  good  birth.  He  was 
educated  at  the  Cadet-School  of  Warsaw,  and  was  one  of  four  pupils  annually 
chosen  by  the  king,  and  sent  to  complete  their  military  studies  in  France  or 
Germany.  He  was  instructed  at  the  Military  Academy  of  Versailles,  and  ac 
quired  a  thorough  knowledge  of  every  department  of  military  science,  particu 
larly  engineering.  It  is  related,  that  on  returning  home  he  fell  desperately  in 
love  with  a  young  lady,  who  eloped  with  him.  The  lovers  were  pursued  and 
overtaken  before  they  could  pass  the  frontiers  of  Poland  ;  and  as  Kosciusko 
could  only  retain  his  mistress  by  killing  her  father,  he  resigned  her.  In  con 
sequence,  it  is  said,  of  this  adventure,  but  more  probably  from  the  love  of  em 
ployment  and  distinction,  the  young  Pole  went  to  America,  and  was  appointed  by 
General  Washington  one  of  his  aides-de-camp.  He  continued  there  till  the  end 
of  the  war.  The  part  he  afterwards  actod  in  his  native  country  is  well  known. 
In  the  battle  in  which  he  was  made  prisoner,  he  had  three  horses  killed  under 
him,  and  was  captured  as  he  fell  wounded  from  the  last.  He  was  kept  in  a 
Russian  dungeon  till  the  death  of  the  Empress  Catherine,  and  only  liberated 
by  Paul  at  his  accession.  He  afterwards  visited  America  and  England,  and 
was  received  with  the  highest  distinction.  When  Bonaparte  entered  Poland 
he  tried  to  move  the  nation  by  a  proclamation  issued  in  the  name  of  the  pa 
triot  chief;  but  Kosciusko  disowned  it,  and  refused  to  have  any  alliance  either 
with  the  French  conqueror  or  with  the  Russian  Emperor,  Alexander.  "He 
lived,"  says  his  biographer,  "  in  proud  independence,  superior  to  fortune  and  to 
kings."  His  latter  years  were  passed  at  Soleure,  where  he  distinguished  him 
self  by  generosity  to  the  poor.  He  possessed  a  highly-cultivated  mind,  and  was 
passionately  fond  of  poetry,  particularly  the  works  of  the  English  poets,  with 
which  he  became  well  acquainted.  He  died  in  October  1817,  in  the  6.">t,h 
year  of  his  age. 


328  LETTER  TO  KOSCIUSKO. 

ignorant  what  they  are;  but,  I  could  see  you  to  fight  against 
the  opression  and  tyranny.  Give  me  news  of  everything. 
—  I  am,  dear  Sir, 

"  Your  most  humble  and  most 
"  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  KOSCIUSKO,  G.  M." 

"  Write  me,  if  you  please,  who  is  minister  from  America 
at  Paris :  I  want  to  know  his  name." 

In  answer  to  this  letter  Jones  wrote  from  Amsterdam  in 
the  following  month  :— 

"  MY  DEAR.  SIR, — The  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to 
write  me  the  2d  February,  was  delivered  to  my  bankers  here, 
by  a  man  who  demanded  from  them  a  receipt.  I  was  then 
at  the  Hague,  and  your  letter  was  transmitted  to  me.  On 
my  return  here,  some  days  ago,  I  found  another  letter  from 
you  of  the  15th  February.  This  letter  had,  by  the  same 
man,  been  put  into  the  hands  of  my  bankers.  You  propose, 
if  I  am  not  mistaken,  that  I  should  apply  to  a  gentleman  at 
the  Hague,  who  has  something  to  communicate  to  me.  But 
a  moment's  reflection  will  convince  you  that  considerations 
of  what  I  owe  to  myself,  as  well  as  the  delicacy  of  my  situa 
tion,  do  not  permit  me  to  take  such  a  step.  If  that  gentleman 
has  anything  to  communicate  to  me,  he  can  either  do  it  by 
writing,  by  desiring  a  personal  conference,  or  by  the  media 
tion  of  a  third  person.  I  have  shown  your  letter  to  my 
bankers,  and  they  have  said  this  much  to  the  gentleman  from 
whom  they  received  it ;  but  this  message,  they  say,  he  re 
ceived  with  an  air  of  indifference.*' 

Thus  terminated  the  enigmatical  correspondence  between 
Paul  Jones  and  the  illustrious  Pole.  Reckoning  a  little  on  the 
disinterested  love  of  freedom,  common  to  all  Americans, 
and  somewhat  more,  probably,  on  the  avowed  discontent 
of  the  Rear-Admiral,  Kosciusko  may  have  wished  to  draw 
him  into  some  of  those  daring  schemes  with  which  his 


JONES'S  LETTERS.  329 

own  mind,  on  the  highest  and  purest  motives,  was  now 
anxious] y  occupied.  But  the  lingering  hope  and  ardent  desire 
of  being  again  recalled  to  serve  in  Russia,  cherished  in  spite 
of  all  he  had  seen  and  suffered,  had  not  yet  left,  the  mind  of 
Jones.  To  this  delusive  hope  he  indeed  clung,  to  the  very 
close  of  his  life.  Prudence,  besides,  forbade  a  negotiation  of 
so  mysterious  and  suspicious  a  kind;  and  there  was  both 
honesty  and  discretion  in  avoiding  it. 

While  in  Holland,  Jones  wrote  many  letters  to  different 
quarters,  desirous  to  re-establish  himself  in  the  good  opinion 
of  some  old  friends,  and  to  revive  himself  in  the  memory  of 
others  from  whom  he  had  been  estranged  during  his  Russian 
bondage,  or  splendid  exile, — for  it  may  be  called  indifferently 
by  either  name.  His  letters  about  this  time  exhibit  a  curious 
struggle  between  the  desire  of  domestic  peace  and  the  am 
bition  of  again  launching  into  the  heady  current  of  public  life. 
He  appears  at  a  loss  what  plan  to  pursue,  whether  to  purchase 
a  small  estate  in  America,  and  seek  the  enjoyments  of  that 
tranquil  life  which  in  reality  possessed  no  charms  for  him  ;  to 
marry  a  rich  wife,  or  to  drag  on  an  existence  in  the  longing, 
lingering  hope  of  being  recalled  to  Russia.  His  letters  reflect 
the  exact  complexion  of  his  thoughts,  disturbed,  broken,  and 
changeful. 

He,  however,  once  more  felt  in  security,  and  gave  his  pen 
such-scope,  that  innumerable  letters  bear  date  at  the  Hague 
or  Amsterdam,  between  December  1789,  and  March  1790. 

A  selection  from  the  important  part  of  his  copious  corres 
pondence  at  this  period  must  be  more  satisfactory  to  the  reader 
than  any  detail  we  can  give;  his  letters  of  a  private  kind 
written  at  this  time  are  reserved  for  the  limited  portion  of 
this  memoir  devoted  to  the  domestic  history  of  its  subject. 
28  * 


330 


LETTER  TO   WASHINGTON. 


"  Rear- Admiral  Pjul  Tones  to  General  Washington,  President  of  the 

United  States. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  December  20,  1?S9. 

"  SIR, — I  avail  myself  of  the  departure  of  the  Philadelphia 
packet,  Captain  Earle,  to  transmit  to  your  Excellency  a  letter 
I  received  for  you  on  leaving  Russia  in  August  last,  from  my 
friend,  the  Count  de  Segar,  minister  of  France  at  St.  Peters- 
burgh.  That  gentleman  and  myself  have  frequently  conversed 
on  subjects  that  regard  America;  and  the  most  pleasing  re 
flection  of  all  has  been,  the  happy  establishment  of  the  new 
constitution,  and  that  you  are  so  deservedly  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  government  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  America, 
Your  name. alone,  Sir,  has  established  in  Europe  a  confidence 


LETTER  TO  MR.  ROSS.  331 

that  was  for  some  time  before  entirely  wanting  in  American 
concerns;  and  I  am  assured,  that  the  happy  effects  of  your 
administration  are  still  more  sensibly  felt  throughout  the 
United  States.  This  is  more  glorious  for  you  than  all  the 
laurels  that  your  sword  so  nobly  won  in  support  of  the  rights 
of  human  nature.  In  war  your  fame  is  immortal  as  the  hero 
of  Liberty  !  In  peace  you  are  her  patron,  and  the  firmest  sup 
porter  of  her  rights !  Your  greatest  admirers,  and  even  your 
best  friends,  have  now  but  one  wish  left  for  you, — that  you 
may  long  enjoy  health  and  your  present  happiness. 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  can  inform  you  respecting  my  mission  to 
the  court  of  Denmark.  *  I  was  received  and  treated  there  with 
marked  politeness;  and  if  the  fine  words  I  received  are  true, 
the  business  will  soon  be  settled.  1  own,  however,  that  I 
should  have  stronger  hopes  if  America  had  created  a  respecta 
ble  marine ;  for  that  argument  would  give  weight  to  every 
transaction  with  Europe.  I  acquitted  myself  of  the  commis 
sion  with  which  you  honoured  me  when  last  in  America,  by 
delivering  your  letters  with  my  own  hands  at  Paris  to  the 
persons  to  whom  they  were  addressed." 

He  also  wrote  Franklin  and  Mi\  Ross.  Both  of  these  let 
ters  have  interest. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  December  27,  1789. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  Doctor  Franklin 
or  to  General  St.  Clair  for  an  explanation  of  my  reasons  for 
having  left  Russia.  I  have  by  this  opportunity  sent  to  those 
gentlemen  testimonies  in  French  that  cannot  fail  to  justify  me 
in  the  eyes  of  my  friends  in  America. 

"  You  have  no  doubt  been  informed,  perhaps  by  Mr. 
Parish,  of  the  unhandsome  conduct  of  Le  Conteulex  and  Co. 
with  regard  to  the  letter  of  credit  you  gave  me  on  them 
when  I  was  last  in  America  for  six  thousand  livres.  As  T 
was  landed  in  England  instead  of  France,  I  went  to  London 
to  make  an  arrangement  with  Dr.  Bancroft  for  supplying  the 


332  LETTER  TO  FRANKLIN. 

expense  of  my  mission  to  Denmark.  He  promised  to  place 
funds  for  my  use  at  Amsterdam.  I  went  to  Paris,  and  took 
a  letter  of  credit  from  Le  Conteulex  on  Amsterdam  by  way 
of  precaution.  On  my  arrival  at  Amsterdam  I  found  that 
Bancroft  had  not  kept  his  word,  nor  ever  wrote  me  a  line. 
I  then  depended  on  the  credit  that  Le  Conteulex  had,  without 
the  least  difficulty,  given  me  in  an  open  letter;  but  his  cor 
respondent  imformed  me  he  had  received  orders  to  pay  me 
nothing  till  more  explicit  and  satisfactory  accounts  should  be 
received  from  you !  I  had  then  no  funds  in  my  hands ;  and 
if  I  had  not  had  the  fortune  to  ba  immediately  relieved  from 
a  quarter  on  which  I  had  no  claim,  I  should  have  found  my 
self  in  great  distress. 

"  I  should  be  glad  to  know  the  state  of  the  bank,  &c., 
though  I  at  present  want  no  remittance.  My  address  is,  un 
der  cover,  to  Messrs.  N.  and  J.  Van-Stophorst  and  Hubbard, 
Amsterdam.  Present  my  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs. 
Ross  and  the  young  ladies.  I  may  perhaps  return  to  America 
in  the  latter  end  of  the  summer ;  and  in  that  case  I  shall  wish 
to  purchase  a  little  farm,  where  I  may  live  in  peace.  I  am 
always  affectionately  yours. 

"  John  Ross,  Esq.,  Philadelphia. 

"  N.  B. — I  presume  you  have  received  my  bust,  as  Mr. 
Jefferson  has  forwarded  it  for  you." 

Paul  Jones  to  Dr,  Franklin. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  December  27,  1789. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — The  enclosed  documents  from  my  friend, 
the  Count  de  Segur,  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France  at 
St.  Petersburg)!,  will  explain  to  you  in  some  degree  my 
reasons  for  leaving  Russia,  and  the  danger  to  which  I  was 
exposed  by  the  dark  intrigues  and  mean  subterfuges  of  Asiatic 
jealousy  and  malice.  Your 'former  friendship  for  me,  which 
I  remember  with  particular  satisfaction,  and  have  ever  been 
ambitious  to  merit,  will,  I  am  sure,  be  exerted  in  the  kind  use 


LETTER  TO  MR.  PARISH.  333 

you  will  make  of  the  three  pieces  I  now  send  yon,  for  my 
justification  in  the  eyes  of  my  friends  in  America,  whose 
good  opinion  is  dearer  to  me  than  anything  else.  I  wrote  to 
the  Empress  from  Warsaw  in  the  beginning  of  October,  with 
a  copy  of  my  journal,  which  will  show  her  Majesty  how 
much  she  has  been  deceived  by  the  account  she  had  of  our 
maritime  operations  last  campaign.  I  can  easily  prove  to  the 
world  that  I  have  been  treated  unjustly  ;  but  I  intend  to  re 
main  silent  at  least  till  I  know  the  fate  of  my  journal. 

"  I  shall  remain  in  Europe  till  after  the  opening  of  the 
next  campaign,  and  perhaps  longer,  before  I  return  to  Ame 
rica.  From  the  troubles  in  Brabant,  and  the  measures  now 
pursuing  by  the  King  of  Prussia,  &c.,  I  presume  that  peace 
is  yet  a  distant  object,  and  that  the  Baltic  will  witness  warm 
er  work  than  it  has  yet  done.  On  the  death  of  Admiral 
Greig,  I  was  last  year  called  from  the  Black  Sea  by  the  Em 
press  to  command  a  squadron  in  the  Baltic,  &c.  This  set 
the  invention  of  all  my  enemies  and  rivals  at  work,  arid  the 
event  has  proved  that  the  Empress  cannot  always  do  as  she 
pleases.  If  you  do  me  the  favour  to  write  to  me,  my  ad 
dress  is,  under  cover,  to  Messieurs  N.  and  J.  Van  Stophorst 
and  Hubbard  at  Amsterdam. 

"  I  am,  with  sincere  affection,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant. 

"  His  Excellency  B.  Franklin,  fyc.,  fyc. 
Philadelphia. 

"  N.  B. — It  is  this  day  ten  years  since  I  left  the  Texel  in 
the  Alliance." 

To  Mr.  Parish,  ihe  well-known  Hamburgh  merchant,  with 
whom  Paul  Jones  had  become  acquainted  on  his  journey  to 
Russia,  he  thus  wrote  under  a  vague  idea  of  going  to  Ham 
burgh  till  his  fate  was  determined: — "My  departure  from 
Copenhagen  was  so  sudden,  that  I  omitted  writing  to  you, 
intending  to  have  done  it  from  St.  Petersburgh.  There  I  found 


334  LETTER  TO  MR.  PARISH. 

myself  in  such  a  round  of  fensting  and  business  till  the  mo 
ment  of  my  departure  for  the  Black  Sea,  that  I  again  post 
poned. 

"  Had  T  wrote  you  after  my  arrival  at  Cherson,  I  have  every 
reason  to  think  my  letters  would  have  been  intercepted  ;  but, 
notwithstanding  my  past  silence,  I  can  truly  assure  you,  that 
I  have  constantly  entertained  the  most  perfect  and  grateful 
sense  of  your  friendly  and  polite  behaviour  to  me  at  Hamburgh 
and  Copenhagen.  I  will  now  thankfully  pay  to  your  order 
the  cost  of  the  smoked  beef  you  were  so  obliging  as  to  send 
to  my  friend,  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  my  request.  The  kind  interest 
you  have  taken  in  my  concerns,  and  the  great  desire  to  culti 
vate  your  esteem  and  friendship,  are  my  present  inducements 
f  r  troubling  you  with  the  enclosed  packet  for  the  Chevalier 
Bourgoing,  (the  French  resident  at  Hamburgh,)  which  I  leave 
under  a  flying  seal  for  your  perusal,  praying  you  to  shut  the 
exterior  cover  before  you  deliver  it.  I  shall  make  no  com 
ments  on  the  documents  I  send  for  the  Baron  de  la  Houze 
but  let  the  simple  truth  speak  for  herself.  I  shall  show  you, 
when  we  meet,  things  that  will  surprise  you,  for  you  can 
scarcely  have  an  idea  how  much  our  operations  have  been 
misrepresented. 

"  As  I  am  for  the  present  the  master  of  my  time,  I  shall 
perhaps  make  you  a  visit  in  the  spring,  arid  pay  my  court  to 
some  of  your  kind,  rich  old  ladies.  To  be  serious,  I  must 
stay  in  Europe  till  it  is  seen  what  changes  the  present  politics 
will  produce,  and  till  I  can  hear  from  America;  and  if  you 
think  I  can  pass  my  time  quietly,  agreeably,  and  at  a  small 
expense  at  Hamburgh,  I  should  prefer  it  to  the  fluctuating 
prospects  of  other  places." 

The  documents  above  referred  to  were  copies  of  the  letters 
of  Count  Segur  for  Baron  de  la  Houze,  the  French  minister 
at  Copenhagen :  from  him  they  drew  a  polite  and  soothing 
reply : — 


JONES'S  PROPERTY.  335 

"  Baron  de  la  Houze  to  Paul  Jones. 

"  COPENHAGEN,  9th  February,  1790. 

"  It  is  but  a  few  days  since  I  received,  with  the  letter  with 
which  you  have  honoured  me  of  the  29th  December,  the 
copies  of  that  of  the  Count  de  Segur,  which  you  have  been 
pleased  to  communicate  to  me,  and  which  were  accompanied 
by  the  article  inserted  on  your  account  in  the  Gazette  of 
France,  and  which  I  had  read.  This  article,  which  has  been 
repeated  in  many  foreign  gazettes,  has  entirely  destroyed  all 
the  venomous  effects  which  calumny  had  employed  to  tarnish 
the  distinguished  reputation  which  you  have  acquired  by  your 
talents  and  valour.  In  consequence,  public  opinion  still  con- 
tinues  to  render  you  justice,  and  the  most  noble  revenge  you 
can  take  on  your  enemies  is  to  gather  fresh  laurels.  The  cele 
brated  Athenian  general,  Themistocles,  has  said, — '  I  do  not 
envy  the  situation  of  the  man  who  is  not  envied.' " 

Baron  Krudner  had  been  actively  useful  to  Paul  Jones  while 
in  Copenhagen,  both  in  promoting  his  views  in  entering  the  Rus 
sian  service,  and  in  the  affair  of  the  Danish  pension.  Though 
we  are  aware  that  the  Rear- Admiral  had  property  of  different 
descriptions,  the  state  of  his  finances  must,  about  this  time,  have 
been  embarrassed  by  his  large  disbursements  during  the  Rus 
sian  campaign,  his  long  journeys,  indisposition,  and  other 
causes  of  expenses.  In  writing  from  America  to  a  lady  in 
whom  he  took  a  strong  interest,  he  represents  himself,  im 
mediately  previous  to  his  last  voyage  in  1787,  as  "  almost 
without  money,  and  puzzled  to  obtain  a  supply."  He  wrote, 
as  has  been  seen,  in  this  emergency  to  Dr.  Bancroft,*  who  af 
terwards,  in  London,  promised  him  assistance,  but  failed  to 

*  Dr.  Bancroft  had  pecuniary  transactions  with  Paul  Jones,  and  at  this  time 
may  have  owed  him  money.  The  Doctor  was  addicted  to  gambling  in  the 
English  funds,  and  on  this  account  lost  the  confidence  of  Congress,  and  the 
diplomatic  appointment  which  he  held.  It  is  probable  that  he  employed  the 
money  of  his  friends  in  the  same  speculations,  partly  for  his  own  advantage, 
and  partly  for  theirs. 


336  LETTER  TO  KRUDNER. 

keep  his  word.  He  intimates  to  Mr.  Parish,  that  lie  could 
wish  "  to  live  at  small  expense ;"  and  there  are  other  reasons 
to  conclude,  that  his  finances,  at  least  so  far  as  regarded  ready 
money,  were  not  flourishing.  This  circumstance  of  actual 
exigency  may,  as  was  formerly  hinted,  account  for  the  anx 
iety  respecting  the  Danish  pension  manifested  in  this  letter  to 
Baron  Krudner ;  it  is  in  other  respects  curious  : — 

"  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  Baron  Rrudner,  Russian  Envoy  at 
Copenhagen. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  29th  December,  1789. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — Though  I  have  not  written  to  your  Ex 
cellency  since  I  set  out  on  my  first  journey  to  St.  Petersbuigh. 
yet  I  have  constantly  retained  the  most  lively  sense  of  your 
kind  behaviour  to  me  at  Copenhagen.  I  must  beg  to  refer 
you  to  his  Excellency  the  Baron  de  la  Houze,  to  whom  I  now 
transmit  three  documents  for  my  justification  in  the  eyes  of 
my  friends  in  Denmark.  Notwithstanding  the  unjust  treat 
ment  I  received  in  Russia,  the  warm  attachment  with  which 
the  Empress  inspired  me  at  the  beginning  still  remains  rooted 
in  my  heart.  You  know,  Sir,  that  her  Imperial  Majesty 
thought  my  sword  an  object  worthy  of  her  attention,  sought 
it  with  the  most  flattering  eagerness,  and  treated  me  the  first 
time  I  was  at  her  court  with  unexampled  distinction.  That 
sword  has  been  successfully  and  frequently  drawn  on  critical 
occasions,  to  render  the  most  essential  services  to  her  empire, 
and  to  cover  her  flag  with  fresh  laurels.  For  this  I  have 
greatly  exposed  my  reputation,  and  entirely  sacrificed  my 
military  pride.  Yet  I  have  seen  the  credit  of  my  services 
bestowed  on  others,  and  I  am  the  only  officer  who  made  the 
campaign  of  the  Lirnan  without  being  advanced.  In  a  letter 
1  wrote  the  Empress  the  17th  of  May  last,  I  mentioned  that 
her  Majesty  would  soon  receive  a  direct  proof  from  America 
of  the  unanimous  approbation  with  which  I  am  honoured  by 
the  United  States.  I  alluded  to  the  gold  medal  which  I  am 


LETTER  TO  KRUDNER.  337 

to  receive,  and  respecting  which  you  have  in  your  hands  a 
copy  of  the  unanimous  act  of  Congress.  That  medal  is  now 
elegantly  executed,  and  is  ready  for  me  at  Paris.  The  United 
States  have  ordered  an  example  of  my  medal  to  be  presented 
to  every  sovereign  in  Europe,  Great  Britain  excepted.  When 
we  meet,  I  shall  produce  clear  proof  of  all  I  have  said  re 
specting  Russia.  The  only  promise  I  asked  from  the  Em 
press  at  the  beginning,  and,  indeed,  the  only  condition  I  made 
with  her  Majesty,  was,  that  '  she  should  not  condemn  me  with 
out  having  heard  me?  I  need  make  no  remark  to  a  man  of 
your  clear  understanding.  You  advised  me  to  write  to  the 
Empress  by  the  post.  I  wrote  several  letters  while  in  the  de 
partment  of  the  Black  Sea  to  my  friend  Mr.  Jefferson,  at 
Paris,  containing  no  detail  of  our  operations,  yet  they  were 
all  intercepted.  I  have,  I  think,  reason  to  apprehend  that 
there  will  be  no  peace  this  winter,  and  that  the  Baltic  will 
witness  warmer  work  than  it  has  yet  done. 

"  You  remember  that  Count  B (Bernstorf )  showed 

you  a  paper  which  he  sent,  to  be  delivered  to  me  by  the 
Danish  Minister  at  St.  Petersburgh.  I  received  that  paper 
without  any  alteration  whatever,  either  in  the  '  date9  or  other 
wise.  If  I  understood  you  right,  it  was  intended  that  '  a  year's 
payment  would  be  made  in  advance?  but  I  have  not  since 
heard  a  word  in  that  respect.  I  wish  to  be  informed  how  the 
payment  is  intended  to  be  made.  It  cannot  surely  be  in 
Danish  bank-paper.  You  will  do  me  a  great  favour  if  you 
can  obtain  an  explicit  answer,  and  it  would  be  much  more 
agreeable  if  the  payment  could  be  made  here,  instead  of  being 
made  at  any  other  place.  I  have  not  yet  mentioned  this  affair 
to  any  person  whatever,  except  yourself.  You  are  no  stranger 
to  my  sentiments.  You  know  the  present  happy  state  of 
America.  That  nation  will  soon  create  a  respectable  marine. 
It  is  now  a  year  since  I  gave  a  plan  to  the  court  of  St.  Peters- 
burgh,  for  forming  a  political  and  commercial  connexion  with 
the  United  States.  The  Empress  approved  this  much,  and 
29 


338  ARREARS  OF  PAY. 

there  was  question  of  sending  me  to  America  in  consequence. 
But  a  great  man  told  me,  *  que  cela  enrageroit  les  Anglais 
davantage  contre  la  Russie,  et  qu'il  falloit  auparavant  faire 
la  paix  avec  les  Turcs.'  Accept  my  warm  congratulations 
on  the  well-merited  advancement  you  have  received  in  the 
Order  of  St.  Wolodimer.  I  hear  that  your  lady*  is  at  Paris. 
I  beg  you  to  assure  her  of  my  great  respect,"  &c.  &c. 

Baron  Krudner  replied,  entirely  blinking  the  memorial 
touching  Russian  affairs,  but  assuring  his  correspondent  of 
success  in  obtaining  the  Danish  pension,  of  which  he  had 
spoken  to  Count  Bernstorf,  and  obtained  a  promise  of  imme 
diate  payment ; — which  promise,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  was  never 
meant  to  be  kept. — as  it  certainly  never  was. 

Paul  Jones  appears  to  have  gone  to  England  in  the  spring 
of  this  year,  (1790,)  but  did  not  remain  long.  The  object  of 
his  visit  does  not  transpire ;  and  that  he  had  been  there  only 
comes  out  incidentally  in  his  correspondence,  especially  in  a 
letter  to  M.  de  Genet,  written  in  June,  when  he  had  reached 
Paris.  In  this  letter  he  informs  that  gentleman,  that  he  had 
not  yet  paid  his  respects  to  his  sister,  (Madame  Campan,)  but 
intended  doing  so,  and  presenting  the  lady  with  his  bust,  as 
a  mark  of  personal  regard  for  her  father  and  brother.  He 
continues,  "  I  have  shown  M.  de  Simolin  proof  that,  if  I  have 
not  sought  to  avenge  myself  of  the  unjust  and  cruel  treatment 
I  met  with  in  Russia,  my  forbearance  has  been  only  the  result 
of  my  delicate  attachment  towards  the  Empress.  You  will 
oblige  me  by  inquiring  at  the  cabinet,  and  demanding  the  ap 
pointments  due  to  me  for  the  current  year,  which  ends  the 
1st  of  July,  agreeably  to  the  promise  of  the  Em  press,  com 
municated  to  me  by  the  Counts  de  Bruce  and  Besborodko. 
I  wish  to  have  that  money  immediately  transmitted  to  me." 

*  The  afterwards  well-known  Madame  Krudner,  who  was  still  enchanting 
Parisian  circles  with  her  charms  and  attitudes  in  the  "  shawl-dance,"  not  hav 
ing  as  yet  assumed  the  part  of  devotee,  or  prophetess,  in  which  she  afterwards 
made  an  equally  remarkable  figure. 


LETTER  TO  A  LADY.  339 

While  in  Amsterdam  the  Rear-Admiral  received  letters 
from  Madame  Le  Mair  d'Altigny,  a  lady  who  appears  to  have 
taken  a  peculiar  interest  in  his  welfare.  This  lady  was  prob 
ably  a  widow ;  but  her  actual  condition  as  wife  or  widow 
we  have  no  means  of  verifying,  and  leave  it  entirely  to  the 
penetration  of  our  fair  readers. 

44  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  Madame  Le  Mair  d'Altigny,  at  Avignon. 

"AMSTERDAM,  8th February,  1790. 

"  I  have  received,  my  dear  Madam,  the  two  obliging  letters 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  address  to  me  from  Avignon  on 
the  18th  and  22d  of  December.  Accept  also,  I  pray  you,  my 
sincere  acknowledgments  for  the  two  letters  you  had  the 
kindness  to  send  me  at  Strasburgh.  I  am  infinitely  flattered 
by  the  interest  with  which  I  have  the  happiness  to  have  inspired 
you,  and  your  good  wishes  in  my  concerns  give  me  true 
pleasure.  I  am  not  come  here  on  account  of  anything  connect 
ed  with  military  operations;  and  though  I  think  it  right  to 
retain  my  rank,  I  have  always  regarded  war  as  the  scourge 
of  the  human  race.  I  am  very  happy  that  you  are  once 
more  above  your  difficulties.  Past  events  will  enable  you  to 
value  the  blessings  of  Providence,  among  which,  to  a  sensible 
heart,  there  are  none  greater  than  health  and  independence, 
enjoyed  in  the  agreeable  society  of  persons  of  merit.  As 
soon  as  circumstances  permit,  I  shall  feel  eager  to  join  the 
delightful  society  in  which  you  are.  As  you  have  not  sent 
me  your  address  at  Avignon,  I  beg  of  you  to  do  so,  and  to  be 
assured  of  my  entire  esteem." 

The  lady,  to  visit  whom  the  Rear-Admiral  was  willing  to 
make  so  long  a  journey,  when  circumstances  permitted,  ap 
pears  to  have  replied  in  the  following  month ;  but  it,  was 
not  till  December  in  the  same  year  that  she  obtained  an 
answer. 


340  LETTER  TO  A  LADY. 

"  PARIS,  December  27th,  1790. 

"  MY  DEAR  MADAM, — I  have  received  your  charming  letter 
of  the  2d  March.  Having  an  affair  of  business  to  arrange  in 
England,  I  went  from  Amsterdam  to  London  at  the  beginning 
of  May,  to  settle  it.  I  escaped  being  murdered  on  landing.* 
From  London  I  came  hither,  and  have  not  had  an  hour  of 
health  since  my  arrival.  I  now  feel  convalescent,  otherwise 
I  would  not  have  dared  to  write,  for  fear  of  giving  pain  to 
your  feeling  heart.  In  leaving  Holland  my  plan  was  to  re 
pair  to  Avignon,  in  compliance  with  your  obliging  invitation. 
My  health  formed  an  invincible  obstacle,  but  I  still  hope  to 
indemnify  myself  on  the  return  of  the  fine  weather.  I  was 
for  a  long  time  very  much  alarmed  by  the  disturbances  which 
interrupted  the  peace  of  your  city,  and  am  very  glad  to  see 
they  are  ended.  I  have  learned,  with  lively  satisfaction,  that 
they  have  had  no  disagreeable  consequences  so  far  as  regards 
you.  Give  me  news  of  yourself,  I  pray  you,  and  of  those  in 
teresting  persons  of  whom  you  speak  in  your  last  letter.  Ac 
cept  the  assurance  of  the  sincere  sentiments  which  you  are 
formed  to  inspire. 

"  My  address  is,  under  cover,  to  M.  Dorbery,  No  42,  Rue 
Tournon,  Paris. 

"  MB. — Have  you  not  sufficient  confidence  in  my  discre 
tion  to  explain  '  the  enigma'  of  the  happiness  with  which  you 
say  '  I  will  be  loaded,  and  which  will  astonish  me  so  soon  as 
I  know  it  V  " 

Of  Madame  Le  Mair  d'Altigny  we  hear  nothing  more, 
so  that  her  enigma,  in  all  probability  remained  unexpounded. 

It  might  be  presumed  that  the  mind  of  Jones  was  now 
effectually  weaned  from  the  service  of  the  country  where  he 
had  been  so  "  unjustly  and  cruelly  treated;"  but  such  was  not 

*  This  is  undoubtedly  meant  in  jest ;  Paul  Jones  was  by  no  means  so 
senseless  as  to  fear  assassination  in  England. 


LETTER  TO  POTEMKIX.  341 

the  fact.  At  intervals,  during  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life, 
he  had  been  subject  to  severe  attacks  of  indisposition,  and 
about  this  time  he  was  labouring  under  that  illness  which, 
with  brief  intermission,  never  again  left  him ;  yet  was  his 
mind  as  ardently  occupied  as  ever  with  hopes  of  serving  in  Rus 
sia.  He  addressed  Prince  Poiemkin,he  addressed  the  Empress: 
— his  mind  on  this  subject  appears  to  have  been  possessed  ;  his 
very  eagerness  must  have  tended  to  defeat  his  anxious  wishes. 
These  letters  from  Paris,  together  with  one  other  document, 
conclude  the  history  of  his  unfortunate  connexion  with  Rus 
sia, — a  connexion  which  one  cannot  help  regarding  as  the 
cause  of  his  premature  death.  The  generous  reader  must 
be  pained  to  see  a  man  of  unquestioned  bravery,  and  of  very 
considerable  talent  and  professional  skill,  who,  in  his  own 
adopted  country  of  America,  might  have  lived  to  old  age  in 
peace  and  honour,  fighting  her  battles  in  the  senate,  as  he  had 
already  done  on  the  ocean,  clinging  thus  in  hopeless  pertina 
city  to  the  delusion  which  had  undone  him. 

"  To  his  Highness  the  Prince-Marshal  Poicmkin. 

"  PARIS,  24th  July,  1790. 

"  MY  LORD, — I  do  not  think  it  becomes  me  to  let  pass  the 
occasion  of  the  return  of  your  aide-de-camp,  to  congratulate 
you  on  the  brilliant  success  of  your  operations  since  I  had 
the  honour  to  serve  under  your  orders,  and  to  express  to  you 
in  all  the  sincerity  of  my  heart,  the  regret  I  feel  in  not  being 
fortunate  enough  to  contribute  thereto.  After  the  campaign 
of  Liman,  when  I  had  leave,  according  to  the  special  desire 
of  her  Imperial  Majesty,  to  return  to  the  department  of  the 
Northern  Seas,  your  Highness  did  me  the  favour  to  grant 
me  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  Empress,  and  to  speak 
to  me  these  words,  '  Rely  upon  my  attachment.  I  am  dis 
posed  to  grant  you  the  most  solid  proofs  of  my  friendship 
for  the  present  and  for  the  future.'  Do  you  recollect  them  ? 
This  disclosure  was  too  flattering  for  mo  to  forget  it,  and  I 
29  * 


342  LETTER  TO  POTEMKIN. 

hope  you  will  permit  me  to  remind  you  of  it.     Circumstances 
and  the  high  rank  of  my  enemies  have  deprived  me  of  the 
benefits  which  I  had  dared  to  hope  from  the  esteem  which 
you  had  expressed  for  me,  and  which  I  had  endeavoured  to 
merit  by  my  services.     You  know  the  disagreeable  situation 
in  which  I  was  placed ;  but  if,  as  I  dared  to  believe,  I  have 
preserved  your  good  opinion,  I  may  still  hope  to  see  it  fol 
lowed  by  advantages,  which  it  will  be  my  glory  to  owe  to  you. 
M.  de  Simolin  can  testify  to  you  that  my  attachment  to  Rus 
sia,  and  to  the  great  Princess  who  is  its  sovereign,  has  always 
been  constant  and  durable ;  I  attended  to  my  duties,  and  not 
to  my  fortune.     I  have  been  wrong,  and  I  avow  it  with  a 
frankness  which  carries  with  it  its  own  excuse — 1st,  That  I  did 
not  request  of  you  a  carte-blanche,  and  the  absolute  command 
of  all  the  forces  of  the  Liman.     2d,  To  have  written  to  your 
Highness  under  feelings  highly  excited,  on  the  "th  October, 
1788.     These  are   my  faults.     If  my  enemies  have  wished 
to  impute  others  to  me,  I  swear  before  God  that  they  are  a 
calumny.     It  only  rests  with  me,  my  Lord,  to  unmask  the 
villany   of  my  enemies,   by  publishing    my   journal    of  the 
operations  of  the  campaign  of  Liman,  with  the  proofs,  clear 
as  the  day,  and  which  I   have  in  my  hands.     It  only  rests 
with  me  to  prove  that  I  directed,  under  your  orders,  all  the 
useful  operations  against  the  Capitan  Pacha ;  that  it  was  I 
who  beat  him  on  the  7th  June ;  that  it  was  I  and  the  brave 
men  I  commanded  who  conquered  him  on  the  17th  June,  and 
who  chased  into  the  sands  two  of  his  largest  galleys,  before 
our  flotilla  was  ready  to   fire   a  single  shot,  and   during  the 
time  a  very  considerable  part  of  the  force  of  the  enemy  re 
mained  at  anchor  immediately  in  rear  of  my  squadron;  that 
it  was  I  who  gave  to  General  Suwarrow,  (he  had  the  no'ble- 
ness  to  declare  it  at  court  before  me,  to  the  most  respectable 
witnesses,)  the  first  project  to  establish  the  battery  and  breast 
works  on  the  Isthmus  of  Kinbourn,  and  which  were  of  such 
great  utility  on  the  night  of  the  17-1 8th  June  ;  that  it  was  I,  in 


LETTER  TO  POTEMKIN.  343 

person,  who  towed,  with  my  sloops  and  other  vessels,  the  bat 
teries  which  were  the  nearest  to  the  place,  the  1st  July,  and 
who  took  the  Turkish  galleys  by  boarding,  very  much  in  ad 
vance  of  our  line,  whilst  some  gentlemen,  who  have  been  too 
highly  rewarded  in  consequence  of  it,  were  content  to  re 
main  in  the  rear  of  the  struggles  of  our  line,  if  I  may  be 
allowed  to  use  the  expression,  sheltered  from  danger.  You 
have  seen,  yourself,  my  Lord,  that  I  never  valued  my 
person  on  any  occasion  where  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  act 
under  your  eye.  The  whole  of  Europe  acknowledges  my 
veracity,  and  grants  me  some  military  talents,  which  it  would 
give  me  pleasure  to  employ  in  the  service  of  Russia,  under 
your  orders.  The  time  will  arrive,  my  Lord,  when  you  will 
know  the  exact  truth  of  what  I  have  told  you.  Time  is  a 
sovereign  master.  It  will  teach  you  to  appreciate  the  man, 
who,  loaded  with  your  benefits,  departed  from  the  court  of 
Russia  with  a  memorial  prepared  by  other  hands  and  the 
enemies  of  your  glory,  and  of  which  memorial  he  made  no 
use,  because  your  brilliant  success  at  the  taking  of  Oczakow, 
which  he  learned  on  his  arrival  in  White  Russia,  gave  the 
lie  to  all  the  horrors  which  had  been  brought  forward  to 
enrage  the  Empress  against  you.  You  know  it  was  the  echo 
of  another  intriguer  at  the  court  of  Vienna.  In  fine,  time 
will  teach  you,  my  Lord,  that  I  am  neither  a  mountebank  nor 
a  swindler,  but  a  man  true  and  loyal.  I  rely  upon  the 
attachment  and  friendship  which  you  promised  me.  I  rely 
on  it,  because  I  feel  myself  worthy  of  it.  I  reclaim  your 
promise,  because  you  are  just,  and  I  know  you  are  a  lover  of 
truth.  I  commanded,  and  was  the  only  responsible  person  in 
the  campaign  of  the  Liman,  the  others  being  only  of  inferior 
rank,  or  simple  volunteers;  and  I  am,  however,  the  only  one 
who  has  not  been  promoted  or  rewarded.  I  am  extremely 
thankful  for  the  order  of  St.  Anne  which  you  procured  for 
me,  according  to  your  letter  of  thanks,  for  my  conduct  in  the 
affair  of  the  7th  June,  which  was  not  decisive.  The  17th 


344  LETTER  TO  POTEMKIN. 

June  I  gained  over  the  Capitan  Pacha  a  complete  victory, 
which  saved  Cherson  and  Kinbourn,  the  terror  of  which 
caused  the  enemy  to  lose  nine  vessels  of  war  in  their  preci 
pitate  flight  on  the  following  night,  under  the  cannon  of  the 
battery  and  breast-work  which  I  had  caused  to  be  erected  in ' 
the  Isthmus  of  Kinbourn.  On  this  occasion  I  had  the  honour 
again  to  receive  a  letter  of  thanks ;  but.  my  enemies  and  rivals 
have  found  means  to  abuse  your  confidence,  since  they  have 
been  exclusively  rewarded.  They  merited  rather  to  have 
been  punished  for  having  burnt  nine  armed  prizes,  with  their 
crews,  which  were  absolutely  in  our  po\ver,  having  pre 
viously  run  aground  under  our  guns. 

"  I  have  been  informed  that,  according  to  the  institution  of 
the  order  of  St.  George,  I  have  the  right  to  claim  its  decora 
tions  in  the  second  class  for  the  victory  of  the  17th  June,  but 
I  rely  upon  your  justice  and  generosity.  I  regret  that  a 
secret  jproject,  which  I  addressed  to  the  Count  de  Besborodko 
the  6th  of  June  of  the  last  year,  has  not  been  adopted.  I  com 
municated  this  project  to  the  Baron  de  Beichler,  who  has 
promised  me  to  speak  to  you  of  it.  I  was  detained  in  St. 
Petersburgh  until  the  end  of  August,  in  order  to  hinder  me,  as 
I  have  heard,  from  proceeding  into  the  service  of  Sweden. 
My  poor  enemies,  how  I  pity  them  '  But  for  this  circumstance 
my  intention  was  to  have  presented  myself  at  your  head 
quarters  in  the  hope  to  be  of  some  utility ;  and  the  Baron  de 
Beichler,  in  departing  from  St.  Petersburgh  in  order  to  join 
you,  promised  me  to  assure  you  of  my  devotion  for  the  ser 
vice  of  your  department,  and  that  I  should  hold  myself  ready 
to  return  to  you  the  instant  I  was  called.  My  conduct  has 
not  since  changed,  although  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  parole  for 
two  years,  and  I  regard  eighteen  months  of  this  parole,  in  a 
time  of  war,  more  as  a  punishment  than  as  a  favour.  I  hope 
that  your  Highness  will  succeed  in  concluding  peace  this 
year  with  the  Turks ;  but,  in  a  contrary  case,  if  it  should 
please  you  to  recall  me  to  take  command  of  the  fleet  in  the 


LETTER  TO  CATHERINE  II.  345 

ensuing  campaign,  I  would  ask  permission  to  bring  with  me 
the  French  officer  concerning  whom  I  spoke  to  you,  with  one 
or  two  others,  who  are  good  tacticians,  and  who  have  some 
knowledge  of  war.  On  my  return  here  I  received  a  gold 
medal,  granted  me  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  Congress,  at 
the  moment  I  received  a  parole  from  this  honourable  body. 
The  United  States  have  decreed  me  this  honour,  in  order  to 
perpetuate  the  remembrance  of  the  services  which  I  rendered 
to  America  eight  years  previous,  and  have  ordered  a  copy 
to  be  presented  to  all  the  sovereigns  and  all  the  academies  of 
Europe,  with  the  exception  of  Great  Britain.  There  is  reason 
to  believe  that  your  Highness  will  be  numbered  among  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  in  consequence  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
which  you  are  about  to  conclude  with  the  Turks ;  but  in  any 
case,  if  a  copy  of  my  medal  will  be  acceptable  to  you  as  a 
mark  of  my  attachment  for  your  person,  it  will  do  me  an 
honour  to  offer  it  to  you.  PAUL  JONES." 

The  Rear-Admiral  suffered  much  bodily  illness  during  the 
interval  which  elapsed  between  the  despatch  of  this  letter  and 
the  period  when  he  sent  off  his  forlorn  hope,  the  subjoined 
epistle,  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year : — 

To  her  Imperial  Majesty  of  all  the  Russias. 

25th  Feb. 
PiEIS'8ffiM^h,1791- 

"  MADAM, — If  I  could  imagine  that  the  letter  which  I  had 
the  honour  to  write  to  your  Majesty  from  Warsaw,  the  25th 
September,  1789,  had  come  to  hand,  it  would  be  without 
doubt  indiscreet  in  me  to  beg  you  to  cast  your  eyes  on  the 
documents  enclosed,  which  accuse  no  person,*  and  the  only 

*  In  a  letter  from  Warsaw  to  Mr.  Littlepage,  he  says,  the  Count  de  B , 

(we  know  not  whether  De  Bruce  or  De  Besborodko,  though  it  is  probably  the 
latter,)  had  intercepted  his  despatch  to  the  Empress  till  orders  could  be  got 
from  Potemkin, 


346  LETTER  TO  CATHERINE  II. 

intent  of  which  is,  to  let  you  see  that  in  the  important  cam 
paign  of  Liman,  the  part  which  I  played  was  not  either  that 
of  a  zero  or  of  a  harlequin,  who  required  to  be  made  a  colonel 
at  the  tail  of  his  regiment.  I  have  in  my  hands  the  means 
to  prove,  inconlestably,  that  I  directed  all  the  useful  operations 
against  the  Capitan  Pacha.  The  task  which  was  given  to 
me  at  this  critical  conjunction  was  very  difficult.  I  was 
obliged  to  sacrifice  my  own  opinion  and  risk  my  military  re 
putation  for  the  benefit  of  your  empire.  But  I  hope  you  will  be 
satisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  I  conducted  myself,  and 
also  of  the  subsequent  arrangements,  of  which  lam  persuaded 
you  have  not  been  acquainted  until  this  moment.  The  gra 
cious  counsel  which  your  Majesty  has  often  done  me  the 
honour  to  repeat  to  me  before  my  departure  for  the  Black 
Sea,  and  in  the  letter  which  you  deigned  to  write  to  me  after 
wards,  has  since  been  the  rule  of  my  conduct;  and  the  faithful 
attachment  with  which  you  had  inspired  me  for  your  person, 
was  the  only  reason  which  hindered  me  from  requesting  my 
dismissal  when  I  wrote  to  you  from  Warsaw  ;  for  I  confess 
that  I  was  extremely  afflicted,  and  even  offended,  at  having 
received  a  parole  for  two  years  in  time  of  war, — a  parole 
which  it  has  never  entered  into  my  mind  to  wish  for,  and  still 
less  to  ask,  and  of  which  I  have  not  profited  to  go  to  Amer 
ica,  or  even  to  Denmark,  where  I  had  important  business  ;  for 
I  had  always  hoped  to  be  usefully  employed  in  your  service, 
before  the  expiration  of  this  parole,  which  has  done  me  so 
much  injury;  and  although  in  public  I  would  not  have  failed 
to  have  spoken  to  you  at  the  last  audience  which  you  granted 
me,  yet  I  was  unfortunately  led  to  believe  the  repeated  prom 
ises  made  me,  that  I  should  have  a  private  audience  in  order 
to  lay  before  you  my  military  projects,  and  to  speak  of  them 
in  detail. 

"  I  hope  that  the  brilliant  success  with  which  Providence 
has  blessed  your  arms  will  enable  you  to  grant  peace  to  your 
enemies  without  shedding  more  of  human  blood ;  but  in  a 


BARON  GRIMM.  347 

contrary  case  your  Majesty  can  be  well  instructed  from  my 
project,  No.  12,  of  the  last  year. 

"  As  I  have  my  enemies,  and  as  the  term  of  my  parole  is 
about  to  expire,  I  await  the  orders  of  your  Majesty,  and 
should  be  flattered,  if  it  is  your  pleasure  for  me  to  come  and 

render  you  an   account  in   person.     Mr. ,  who  has  the 

goodness  to  charge  himself  with  this  packet,  which  I  have  ad 
dressed  to  him,  sealed  with  my  arms,  will  also  undertake  to 
forward  me  your  orders ;  I  therefore  pray  you  to  withdraw 
me  as  soon  as  possible  from  the  cruel  uncertainty  in  which  I 
am  placed.  Should  you  deign,  Madam,  to  inform  me  that  you 
are  pleased  with  the  services  which  I  have  had  the  happiness 
to  render  you,  I  will  console  myself  for  the  misfortunes  which 
I  have  suffered,  as  I  drew  my  sword  for  you  from  personal 
attachment  and  ambition,  but  not  for  interest.  My  fortune, 
as  you  know,  is  not  very  considerable  ;  but  as  I  am  philosopher 
enough  to  confine  myself  to  my  means,  I  shall  be  always  rich. 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Madam, 
Of  your  Imperial  Majesty 

The  most  faithful  and 

Obedient  servant, 

PAUL  JONES." 

So  late  as  the  month  of  July  of  the  same  year,  we  find. 
Paul  Jones  still  in  Paris,  and  now  in  very  bad  health,  but  even 
yet  occupied  with  Russia.  His  next  and  final  letter  is  address 
ed  to  Baron  Grimm,  the  literary  correspondent  of  the  Em 
press,  who,  a  dozen  years  before,  had  celebrated  his  praises.* 

*  In  the  original  correspondence  of  Grimm  we  find  the  following  passage, 
which  does  not  appear  in  the  much-abridged  edition  of  his  voluminous  works 
published  in  England.  This  passage  shows  that  both  Mr.  Sherburne  and 
the  present  editor  are  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  bust  of  Paul  Jones  was 
originally  taken  at  his  own  suggestion.  The  letter  of  Baron  Grimm  bears 
date  January,  1780,  at  which  time  he  says  Paul  Jones  had  been  some  weeks  in 


348  LETTER  TO  GRIMM. 

His  former  attempts  having  been  so  utterly  unsuccessful,  he 
discovers  considerable  address  in  trying  his  fortune  in  a  new 
tack.  The  Empress,  it  may  be  premised,  had  long  shown 
herself  ambitious  of  being  considered  the  munificent  patroness 
of  science  and  of  scientific  men,  in  whatever  regarded  the  im 
provement  of  her  country,  and  particularly  of  her  navy. 

"  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  Baron  Grimm. 

"PARIS,  9th  July,  1791. 

"  SIR, — M.  Houdon  has  sent  to  your  house  the  bust  which 
you  have  done  me  the  honour  to  accept.*  Mademoiselle 

Paris.  This  cannot  be  correct,  as  it  was  among  the  very  last  days  of  Decem 
ber  when  he  escaped  from  the  Texel ;  the  only  error,  however,  is  of  a  few 
weeks.  "  The  intrepid  Paul  Jones,"  says  the  Baron,  "  has  been  here  for  some 
weeks.  He  has  had  the  honour  to  be  presented  to  the  King.  He  has  been 
applauded  with  transport  at  all  the  public  places  where  he  has  shown  himself, 
and  particularly  at  the  opera.  It  is  a  singularity  worthy  of  remark,  that  this 
brave  Corsair,  who  has  given  multiplied  proofs  of  possessing  a  soul  the  most 
firm,  and  courage  the  most  determined,  is  at  the  same  time  the  most  feeling 
and  mild  man  in  the  world,  and  that  he  has  made  a  great  many  verses  full  of 
elegance  and  softness,  the  sort  of  poetry  which  appears  most  congenial  to  his 
taste  being  the  elegy  and  the  pastoral.  The  Lodge  of  the  Nine  Sisters,  of 
which  he  is  a  member,  have  employed  M.  Houdon  to  take  his  bust.  This  re 
semblance  is  a  new  masterpiece  worthy  of  the  chisel  which  appears  destined 
to  consecrate  to  immortality  illustrious  men  of  all  kinds." 

*  His  own  bust,  "  now  decorated,"  he  says,  "  with  the  order  of  St.  Anne,  on 
the  American  uniform,  one  reason  why  I  wish  to  be  authorized  by  the  Ame 
rican  States  to  wear  that  order."  This  is  said  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson, 
written  soon  after  his  final  epistle  to  the  Empress,  and  when  he  had  formed 
the  design  of  again  entering  the  French  fleet  of  evolution,  if  bodily  indisposi 
tion,  and  the  worse  sickness  of  hope  deferred,  left  him  power  to  form  any  con 
siderate  or  consistent  plan  of  future  conduct.  There  were  five  orders  of 
knighthood  in  Russia,  three  of  which  were  instituted  by  Peter  the  Great,  and 
two,  that  of  St.  George  and  St.  Vladimir,  by  the  Empress  Catherine  the 
Second.  The  order  of  St.  Anne  was  a  Holstein,  and  not  a  Russian  order. 
The  Empress  never  conferred  this  order  herself.  She  left  it  to  the  Grand  Duke 
Paul,  as  Duke  of  Holstein,  and  from  him  Paul  Jones  received  it.  It  was  ac 
cordingly  less  valued  than  those  of  her  own  institution  bestowed  by  herself. 


NEW-FASHIONED  SHIPS.  349 

Marchais  has  told  me  all  the  obliging  things  you  have  said 
regarding  me. 

"  As  it  is  my  duty  to  interest  myself  in  objects  that  may  be 
useful  to  Russia,  I  must  inform  you  that  I  have  met  with  a 
man  here,  whom  I  have  known  for  fifteen  years,  who  has  in 
vented  a  new  construction  of  ships  of  war,  which  has  small 
resemblance,  either  externally  or  internally,  to  our  present 
war-ships,  and  which  will,  he  says,  possess  the  following  ad 
vantages  over  them  : — 

"  I.  The  crew  will  be  better  sheltered  during  an  engage 
ment. 

"  II.  The  lodging-room  of  the  crew  will  be  more  spacious  ; 
every  individual  may  have  a  bed  or  a  hammock,  and  there  may 
be  as  much  air  as  is  wished  for,  night  and  day,  in  the  sleep 
ing  apartments. 

"  III.  There  will  be  less  smoke  during  an  engagement." 

The  enumeration  of  all  the  rare  qualities  of  this  beau  ideal 
of  a  war-ship  might  prove  tedious ;  suffice  it,  that  a  ship  of 
the  new  construction,  of  54  guns,  if  well  armed  and  com 
manded,  might  have  faced  one  of  the  old  make  carrying  100 
guns ;  that  it  would  cost  less  both  in  artillery  and  timber,  be 
a  better  sailer,  go  nearer  the  wind,  and  possess  many  other 
advantages  "  For  a  long  time,"  the  Rear- Admiral  states, 
"  he  had,  in  conjunction  with  his  friend  Dr.  Franklin,  tried  to 
construct  a  ship  combining  the  advantages  of  being  a  fast 
sailer,  not  driving  to  leeward,  drawing  little  water,  &c. ;  but 
they  always  encountered  great  obstacles.  From  the  death  of 
that  great  philosopher,"  he  continues,  "  having  rather  too 
much  time  on  my  hands,  (a  very  gentle  hint,)  I  think  I  have 
surmounted  the  difficulties  which  baffled  us  and  stopped  our 
progress.  The  ship-builder  of  whom  I  have  spoken  has  ex 
plained  nothing  to  me  in  detail,  and  I  can  form  no  idea  on 
the  subject.  He  wishes  to  preserve  his  invention,  and  to  draw 
emolument  from  it ;  and  nothing  can  be  more  just,  if  on  ex 
periment  his  discovery  holds.  As  this  is  a  thing  which  ap- 
30 


350 


NEW-FASHIONED  SHIPS. 


pears  to  me  to  deserve  the  attention  of  the  Empress,  I  beg  of 
you  to  acquaint  her  Majesty  as  soon  as  possible.  This  person 
wished  to  go  to  England  to  offer  his  discovery,  where  1  think 
it  would  have  been  received ;  but,  as  I  have  some  influence 
with  him,  I  have  persuaded  him  to  remain  here,  and  wait 
your  reply.  If  he  receive  any  encouragement,  he  will  com 
municate  his  ideas  more  fully  to  me.  But  in  every  case  I 
dedicate  to  the  Empress,  without  any  stipulation,  all  that  my 
feeble  genius  has  accomplished  in  naval  architecture."  The 
Rear-Admiral  then  relates  his  own  supposed  discovery,  and, 
like  a  skilful  orator,  winds  up,  by  pressing  hard  the  main 
point  of  his  argument.  "  Will  not  this,  presuming  it  correct, 
be  of  great  advantage  to  the  infant  marine  of  the  Black  Sea. 
and  consequently  to  the  prosperity  of  the  Russian  Empire  ?" 
It  appears  that  Baron  Grimm  received  an  answer  from  the 
Empress  in  relation  to  this  first  application,  though  it  can 
scarcely  be  called  a  satisfactory  one.  She  says  there  was  a 
prospect  of  a  speedy  peace ;  but  if  peace  did  not  take  place, 
she  would  let  M.  Paul  Jones  know  her  intentions  respecting 
himself:  and  she  tacitly  reproves  Grimm's  interference  by 
saying,  that  she  would  not  choose  him  as  the  medium  of  her 
communications  with  Paul  Jones. 


STYLE  OF  JONES'S  LETTERS. 


351 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


HE  voluminous  papers  left  by 
Paul  Jones  afford  very  scanty 
materials  for  his  domestic  his 
tory.  From  boyhood  his  place 
in  society  was  completely  iso 
lated.  His  extensive  corres 
pondence,  as  it  came  into  ihe 
hands  of  his  relatives,  is  chiefly 
that  of  business,  or  of  the  cere 
monial  connected  with  business, 
and  with  the  courtesies  of  acquaintanceship.  His  intercourse 
with  society  amounted  to  little  more  than  the  exchange  of 
the  customary  offices  of  kindness  and  civility.  He  was  early 
separated,  by  insurmountable  circumstances,  from  his  own 
relatives ;  he  never  afterwards  found  a  fixed  home,  nor  does 
his  correspondence  afford  any  trace  of  the  kindly,  genial,  un 
bending,  and  cordial  familiarity  of  confidential  friendship. 
His  letters  consequently  want  the  charm  of  a  particular  or 
individual  interest.  Few  of  them  contain  a  single  observa 
tion  on  men  or  manners,  or  even  the  expression  of  an  opinion 
not  merely  professional.  His  journals,  in  like  manner,  are 
strictly  confined  to  professional  affairs,  and  contain  little  that 
can  either  extend  the  range  of  knowledge  or  gratify  a  liberal 
curiosity.  With  the  fields  of  observation,  whether  in  America, 
France,  or  Russia,  that  were  presented  to  a  mind  so  active 


352  JONES'S  GALLANTRY. 

and  acute,  this  is  much  to  be  regretted.  As  it  is,  the  interest 
of  this  memoir  must  rest  wholly  on  the  public  life  of  its  sub 
ject.  The  few  of  his  private  confidential  letters  which  exist, 
do,  however,  unfold  his  character  in  a  very  amiable  way. 
Those  to  his  relations  in  Scotland,  written  in  the  latter  years 
of  his  life,  display  the  most  affectionate  solicitude  for  the 
happiness  of  those  who  could  but  little  add  to  his,  and  much 
good  sense  in  his  endeavours  to  promote  it. 

According  to  his  London  or  American  biographer,  Paul 
Jones  was  "  as  chivalrous  in  love  as  in  war."  This  is  as 
sumed,  it  is  probable,  on  the  principle  that  every  seaman  is 
bound  to  be  so,  as  a  point  of  professional  duty, — from  Nelson 
of  the  Nile  down  to  Jack  or  Ben  just  paid  off  at  Portsmouth. 
"  Paul  Jones,"  we  are  gravely  told,  "  was  always  seriously  in 
love,"  arid,  what  is  more  singular,  "  often  with  women  he  had 
never  seen."  This  contradicts  all  ordinary  experience,  and 
even  goes  beyond  romantic  tradition.  Though  seamen  are 
not  remarkable  for  tedious  or  roundabout  modes  of  courtship, 
they  are  seldom  so  far  spiritualized  as  not  to  require  at  least 
one  passing  glance  of  the  fair  objects  that  kindle  the  sudden 
flame.  That  among  all  existing  unknown  beauties,  Paul 
Jones  should  have  singled  out  Lady  Selkirk  as  the  object  of 
his  romantic  and  passionate  admiration,  appears,  at  least  on 
this,  the  frigid  side  of  the  Atlantic,  too  absurd  for  serious  refu 
tation.  His  gallantry  of  disposition,  and  the  disagreeable 
and  derogatory  imputations  to  which  his  descent  on  St.  Mary's 
Isle  was  liable,  sufficiently  account  for  the  address  to  Lady 
Selkirk  of  a  man  who  had  so  quick  a  sense  of  dishonour,  and 
so  tenacious  a  regard  for  reputation,  as  Paul  Jones  evinced 
in  every  transaction  of  his  life.  It  is  therefore  quite  unneces 
sary  to  account  for  his  conduct  in  this  memorable  affair,  by 
raising  the  ridiculous  hypothesis  of  his  having  fallen  in  love 
with  a  married  lady  of  high  rank,  whom  he  had  never  seen, 
and  whose  eldest  son  was  at  that  time  of  an  age  to  have  act 
ed  as  his  lieutenant.  It  is  indeed  just  possible,  that,  whilo 


JONES'S  GALLANTRY.  353 

Paul  Jones  was  still  a  lad,  sailing  to  the  port  of  Kirkcudbright, 
he  might  have  seen  the  lady  of  St.  Mary's  Isle,  though  even 
then  it  would  be  preposterous  to  imagine  such  long-lived  and 
romantic  consequences  from  this  transient  vision,  however 
fair  and  captivating; 

Paul  Jones  was  by  no  means  so  great  a  fool  as  his  historian, 
no  doubt  to  do  him  honour,  would  insinuate.  A  man  "  in  the 
singular  situation  of  being  in  love  with  every  woman  in 
Paris,"  and  "  often  with  women  he  had  never  seen,"  was 
evidently  in  no  imminent  peril  from  the  attractions  of  any  in 
dividual  charmer,  however  powerful  these  might  be.  In  the 
present  case  this  seems  to  have  been  the  fact.  The  true,  and, 
it  may  be  said,  the  only  mistress  to  whom  Paul  Jones  was 
ever  devoted  with  all  the  powers  of  his  heart  and  mind  was 
— GLORY,  in  pursuit  of  whom  he  made  no  scruple  at  any  timo 
to  set  his  foot  on  the  neck  of  "  the  gentle  Cupid,"  or,  if  need 
were,  to  use  that  "  soft  integument"  as  a  stepping-stone  in  his 
mounting  path. 

It  is  said  that  John  Paul  Jones,  soon  after  entering  the 
navy,  formed  an  ardent  attachment  to  an  American  lady. 
Their  affection  was  mutual,  but  circumstances  forbade  their 
union  ;  and  from  this  period  he  formed  the  resolution  of  never 
marrying.  There  is,  however,  much  to  intervene  between 
the  cradle  and  the  grave  of  the  passions ;  and  when  a  man 
expresses  resolutions  of  this  kind,  his  friends  generally  know 
with  what  proper  degree  of  credit  or  allowance  to  receive 
them.  He  sent  a  message  to  his  sisters,  by  Mr.  Kennedy, — 
the  French  teacher  of  Dumfries,  who  waited  on  him  with 
letters  from  his  relations,  about  the  year  1784, — purporting 
that  he  would  never  marry ;  yet  shortly  after  this  we  find 
him  expressing  a  very  tender  and  anxious  interest  for  a  French 
lady  (Madame  T ,)  with  whom  he  was  in  corres 
pondence. 

The  most  brilliant  period  of  the  bonnes  fortunes  of  Paul 
Jones  was  during  his  residence  at  Paris  and  Versailles  in 
30* 


354  COUNTESS  DE  LAVENDAL. 

1780,  and  immediately  after  his  escape  from  the  Texel ;  the 
period  commemorated  by  Baron  Grimm,  the  era  of  his  court 
favour,  militaiy  order,  and  gold  sword.  He  at  this  time 
engaged  in  various  flirtations,  of  the  kind  and  complexion 
which  no  man  of  his  age  and  profession,  moving  in  gay 
society  in  Paris,  could  have  avoided,  if  he  wished  to  live  in 
the  odour  of  gallantry.  His  acquaintance  with  the  lady  who 
assumes,  or  who  received  the  poetical  appellation  of  Delia, 
must  have  commenced  about  this  time,  as  the  hottest  fire  of 
her  love-letters  appears  to  have  fallen  upon  the  Chevalier  at 
L'Orient  during  the  existence  of  Landais'  mutiny. 

The  conduct  of  the  Chevalier  at  this  time  was,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  more  creditable  to  his  general  spirit  of  gallantry  than 
to  his  fidelity  to  the  fair  and  devoted  Delia.  Among  the 
ladies  whom  he  met  most  frequently  in  the  society  he  fre 
quented  at  Versailles  was  the  Countess  of  Lavendal,  a  mar 
ried  woman,  (and  marriage  in  Paris  at  this  time  made  an  in 
dispensable  ingredient  in  the  attractions  of  a  mistress,)  young, 
beautiful,  witry,  and  withal  a  little  intriguing.  To  the  good 
graces  of  this  lady  the  Chevalier  Paul  Jones  anxiously  and 
assiduously  recommended  himself.  There  is,  however,  rea 
son  to  surmise,  that  the  gentleman  might  have  been  some 
what  of  a  self-seeker  even  in  his  admiration  of  the  beautiful 
Countess.  It  is  undeniable,  that  he  owed  all  the  distinction 
he  had  just  obtained  solely  to  court-favour, — to  the  French 
ministry  he  owed  nothing.  "  La  belle  Comtesse,"  indeed, 
appeared  to  have  looked  to  him  as  the  medium  of  advance 
ment  or  employment  for  her  husband,  without  affecting  to 
possess  court-patronage  herself;  but  there  was  no  limiting  the 
influence  of  a  clever  and  beautiful  woman  at  the  Court  of 
Versailles,  where,  although  the  reigning  sovereign  was  unas 
sailable,  there  were  always  so  many  open  channels,  through 
ministers  and  favourites,  high  and  low,  male  and  female. 
When  the  lady,  whose  object  was  to  obtain  employment  for 
her  husband,  in  conjunction  with  the  American  hero,  but  who 


JONES'S  POETRY  355 

had  no  objection  to  the  by-play  of  a  little  harmless  coquetry, 
thought  it  prudent  to  draw  back,  after  a  course  of  very  pro 
mising  encouragement,  her  admirer  appears  to  have  borne  his 
disappointment  with  great  philosophy ;  and  to  have  turned 
the  tables  upon  the  fickle  charmer,  and  extricated  himself 
from  the  affair  with  a  cool  dexterity  that  might  command 
the  applause  of  Chesterfield  himself. 

This  Parisian  "  course  of  true  love"  is  fully  elucidated  by 
the  following  extracts  of  published  letters,  attributed  to  a  young 
English  lady,  a  Miss  Edes,  residing  at  the  time  in  Versailles. 
They  were  written  early  in  June  and  July,  1780.  Coupling 
the  fact  of  their  immediate  publication  in  England,  with  the 
staple  of  their  composition,  if  left  to  our  own  instincts,  and 
not  positively  assured  that  they  were  originally  the  private 
letters  of  a  young  lady,  we  would  be  inclined  to  attribute 
them  to  some  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  press  who  flourished 
fifty  years  ago  ;  and  who  then  exported  the  scandal  of  Paris 
to  London,  in  a  somewhat  clumsier  way  than  the  same  busi 
ness  is  still  managed,  but  exactly  in  the  same  spirit. 

"  The  famous  Paul  Jones  dines  and  sups  here  often,"  says 
Miss  Edes  ;  "  he  is  a  smart  man  of  thirty-six,  speaks  but  little 
French,  appears  to  be  an  extraordinary  genius,  a  poet  as  well 
as  a  hero  ;  a  few  days  ago  he  wrote  some  verses  extempore, 
of  which  I  send  you  a  copy.  He  is  greatly  admired  here, 
especially  by  the  ladies,  who  are  all  wild  for  love  of  him,  as 

he  for  them ;  but  he  adores  Lady ,  (the  Countess  La- 

vcndal,)  who  has  honoured  him  with  every  mark  of  polite 
ness  and  distinction." 

"  Verses  addressed  to  the  Indies  who  have  done  me  the  Honour  of  their  polile 

Attention  /"  Presented  by  PaulJones  to  Mademoiselle   G .* 

"  Insulted  Freedom  bled, — I  felt  her  cause, 
And  drew  my  sword  to  vindicate  her  laws, 
From  principle,  and  not  from  vain  applause. 


*  This  is  supposed  to  he  one  of  the  daughters  of  M.  Genet,  but  could  not 
have  been  his  eldest  daughter,  who  was  by  this  time  married  to  M.  Campan, 
and  a  woman  of  the  bedchamber  to  the  Queen. 


350  JONES'S  POETRY. 

I  Ve  done  my  best ;  self-interest  far  apart, 
And  self-reproach  a  stranger  to  ray  heart ; 
My  zeal  still  prompts,  ambitious  to  pursue 
The  foe,  ye  fair  !  of  liberty  and  you  : 
Grateful  for  praise,  spontaneous  and  unbought, 
A  generous  people's  love  not  meanly  sought ; 
To  merit  this,  and  bend  the  knee  to  beauty, 
Shall  be  my  earliest  and  my  latest  duty." 

In  this,  and  other  effusions  fully  more  creditable  to  his 
muse,  Paul  Jones,  we  presume,  makes  no  worse  figure  than 
other  clever  men  have  done,  when,  departing  from  their  true 
character,  they  choose  to  engage  in  the  solemn  fooleries  or 
trifling  puerilities  of  a  part  for  which  neither  nature,  educa 
tion,  nor  habit,  has  fitted  them.* 

*  In  vindication  of  the  critical  opinions  of  Grimrn,  who  praises  the  "grace 
and  softness"  of  the  verses  of  Paul  Jones,  we  subjoin  what  is  considered  a  tole 
rably  fair  specimen  of  his  poetical  vein.  It  is  no  disparagement  of  our  own 
great  naval  hero  to  say,  that  the  verses  of  Paul  Jones  are  far  superior  to  those 
of  Nelson.  Indeed,  of  all  such  effusions  the  opinion  of  Byron  ought  to  be 
adopted  as  quite  canonical — they  are  so  good,  that  — "  bad  were  better."  The 
only  use  of  the  verses  of  Paul  Jones  is  the  evidence  they  afford,  that  their  au 
thor  could  not  have  been  the  brutal,  ignorant,  and  ferocious  pirate  he  is  fre 
quently  described.  In  this  view  they  are  invaluable  to  truth  and  to  his  honest 
fame  : — 

"Verses  written  on  Board  the  Alliance  off"  Ushant,  the  1st  Day  of  January, 
1780,  immediately  after  escaping  out  of  the  Tcxel  from  the  Blockade  of  the 
British  Fleet ;  leing  in  Answer  to  a  Piece  written  and  sent  to  the  Texcl  by 
a  young  Lady  at  the  Hague. 

TO  MISS  DUMAS. 
I. 

"  Were  I,  Paul  Jones,  dear  maid,  the  '  king  of  sea,' 

I  find  such  merit  in  thy  virgin  song, 

A  coral  crown  with  bays  I  'd  give  to  thee, 

A  car  which  on  the  waves  should  smoothly  glide  along  ; 

The  Nereids  all  about  thy  side  should  wait, 

And  gladly  sing  in  triumph  of  thy  state, 

*  Vivat,  vivat'  the  happy  virgin  muse! 

Of  Liberty  the  friend,  whom  tyrant  power  pursues ! 


LOVE-LETTERS.  357 

The  same  young  lady,  supposed  to  be  llie  Miss  Edes,  some 
times  noticed  in  the  correspondence  of  the  Chevalier  with  the 
Genet  family,  on  another  occasion,  and  after  further  acquaint 
ance,  writes  thus: — 

"  Since  my  last,  Paul  Jones  drank  tea  and  supped  here.  If 
I  am  in  love  with  him,  for  love  I  may  die ;  I  have  as  many 
rivals  as  there  are  ladies,  but  the  most  formidable  is  still 

Lady ,  (the  Countess  Lavendal,)  who  possesses  all  his 

heart.  This  lady  is  of  high  rank  and  virtue,  very  sensible, 
good-natured,  and  affable.  Besides  this,  she  is  possessed  of 
youth,  beauty,  arid  wit,  and  every  other  female  accomplish 
ment.  He  is  gone,  I  suppose,  for  America.  They  corres 
pond,  and  his  letters  are  replete  with  elegance,  sentiment,  and 
delicacy.  She  drew  his  picture,  (a  striking  likeness,)  and 
wrote  some  lines  under  it,  which  are  much  admired,  and  pre 
sented  it  to  him,  who,  since  he  received  it,  is,  he  says,  like  a 
second  Narcissus,  in  love  with  his  own  resemblance ;  to  be 


II 

"  Or,  happier  lot !  were  fair  Columbia  free 

From  British  tyranny,  and  youth  still  mine, 

I  'd  tell  a  tender  talc  to  one  like  thee 

With  artless  looks,  and  breast  as  pure  as  thine. 

If  she  approved  my  flame,  distrust  apart, 

Like  faithful  turtles,  we  'd  have  but  one  heart ; 

Together  then  we  'd  tune  the  silver  lyre, 

As  Love  or  sacred  Freedom  should  our  lays  inspire. 

III. 

"  But  since,  alas  !  the  rage  of  war  prevails, 
And  cruel  Britons  desolate  our  land, 
For  Freedom  still  I  spread  my  willing  sails, 
My  unsheathed  sword  my  injured  country  shall  command. 
Go  on,  bright  maid,  the  Muses  all  attend 
Genius  like  thine,  and  wish  to  be  its  friend. 
Trust  me,  although  convcy'd  through  this  poor  shift, 
My  new-year's  thoughts  are  grateful  for  thy  virgin  gift."* 

*This  gallant  effusion  was  despatched  from  Corogne,  where  Jones  put  in  for  a  short  lime 
on  his  way  to  Gioix.  The  lady  was  the  daughter  of  M.  Dumas,  the  American  agent  at 
Amsterdam. 


,358  LOVE-LETTERS. 

sure  he  is  the  most  agreeable  sea-wolf  one  would  wish  to 
meet  with.  As  to  his  verses,  you  may  do  with  them  what 
you  please.  The  King  had  given  him  a  magnificent  gold 
sword,  which,  lest  it  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
he  has  begged  leave  to  commit  it  to  the  care  of  her  ladyship, — 
a  piece  of  gallantry  which  is  here  highly  applauded.  If  any 
further  account  of  this  singular  genius  should  reach  my  hands, 
you  shall  have  it." 

We  believe  that  even  the  most  finished  French  coquet 
would  feel  rather  startled  at  the  eclat  of  an  appearance  like 
the  above  in  an  English  periodical  published  within  the  month. 
The  Countess  must  have  been  alarmed,  and  she  took  her 
measures  accordingly* 

When  Jones  was  compelled  to  return  to  L'Orient,  and  in 
the  prospect  of  an  immediate  departure  for  America,  he  took 
courage  to  speak  more  plainly  to  this  condescending  Countess. 
Though,  as  has  been  noticed,  he  found  it  afterwards  expedient 
to  give  the  affair  another  turn,  his  first  letter,  which  follows, 
cannot  be  mistaken : — 

"  I  am  deeply  concerned,"  he  says,  "  in  all  that  respects 
your  happiness  ;  I  therefore  have  been  and  am  much  affected 
at  some  words  that  fell  in  private  conversation  from  Miss 
Edes  the  evening  I  left  Versailles.  I  am  afraid  that  you  are 
less  happy  than  I  wish,  and  am  sure  you  deserve  to  be.  I  am 
composing  a  cipher  for  a  key  to  our  future  correspondence, 
so  that  you  will  be  able  to  write  me  very  freely,  and  without 
risk.  It  is  a  small  dictionary  of  particular  words,  with  a 
number  annexed  to  each  of  them.  In  our  letters  we  will  write 
sometimes  the  corresponding  number  instead  of  the  word,  so 
that  the  meaning  can  never  be  understood  until  the  corres 
ponding  words  are  interlined  over  the  numbers. 

"  I  beseech  you  to  accept  the  within  lock.  I  am  sorry  that 
it  is  now  eighteen  inches  shorter  than  it  was  three  months 
ago.  If  I  could  send  you  my  heart  itself,  or  anything  else 
that  could  afford  you  pleasure,  it  would  be  my  happiness  to 


LOVE-LETTERS.  359 

do  it.  Before  I  had  the  honour  of  seeing  you,  I  wished  to 
comply  with  the  invitation  of  my  lodge,*  and  I  need  not  add 
that  I  have  since  found  stronger  reasons  that  have  compelled 
me  to  seek  the  means  of  returning  to  France  again  as  soon 
as  possible." 

There  was  a  manifest  want  of  retenue  in  this  epistle.  The 
lady,  it  is  said,  kept  the  trophies,  namely,  the  cipher,  the  let 
ter,  and  the  lock  of  hair,  but  wrote  to  Jones,  expressing  her 
astonishment  at  his  audacity,  and  her  conjecture  that  his 
packet  had  been  misdirected  when  sent  to  herelf.  She  begged, 
at  the  same  time,  to  introduce  to  him  the  Count  her  husband, 
who  was  to  pass  through  L'Orient.  "  She  should  be  obliged 
to  the  Chevalier  to  show  him  every  civility."  This  he  did, 
and  afterwards  wrote  the  Countess : — 

"  L'ORIENT,  July  14,  1780. 

"  MADAM, — Since  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  packet 
from  Versailles,  I  have  carefully  examined  the  copy  of  my 
letter  from  Nantes,  but  am  still  at  a  loss,  and  cannot  conceive, 
what  part  of  the  letter  itself  could  have  occasioned  your 
imagining  I  had  mistaken  the  address.  As  for  the  little 
packet  it  contained,  perhaps  it  might  better  have  been  omitted  : 
if  so,  it  is  easily  destroyed.  If  my  letter  has  given  you  even 
a  moment's  uneasiness,  I  can  assure  you,  that  to  think  so 
would  be  as  severe  a  punishment  as  could  be  inflicted  upon 
me.  However  I  may  have  been  mistaken,  my  intention 
could  never  have  been  to  give  you  the  most  distant  oflence. 
I  was  greatly  honoured  by  the  visit  of  the  Count  your  hus 
band,  and  am  so  well  convinced  of  his  superior  understand 
ing,  that  I  am  glad  to  believe  Miss  Edes  was  mistaken.  I 
admire  him  so  much,  that  I  should  esteem  myself  very  happy 
indeed  to  have  a  joint  expedition  with  him  by  sea  and  land, 
though  I  am  certain  that  his  laurels  would  far  exceed  mine. 

*Probably  the  lodge  of  the  Neuf  Sccurs,  of  which  he  was  a  member. 


360  LOVE-LETTERS. 

I   mention  this,  because  M.  de  Genet  has   both   spoken  and 
written  to  me  on  the  subject  as  from  the  Count  himself. 

"  I  had  the  honour  to  lay  a  project  before  the  King's 
ministers  in  the  moflth  of  May,  for  future  combined  expedi 
tions  under  the  flag  of  America,  and  had  the  satisfaction  to 
find  that  my  ideas  were  approved  by  them.  If  the  Count, 
your  husband  will  do  me  the  honour  to  concert  with  M.  de 
Genet,  that  the  court  may  send  with  me  to  America  the  ap 
plication  that  was  intended  to  be  made  to  Congress,  con 
formable  to  the  proposal  I  made,  it  would  afford  me  a  pleasing 
opportunity  of  showing  my  gratitude  to  the  King,  to  his 
ministers,  and  to  this  generous-minded  nation.  I  should  be 
greatly  proud  to  owe  my  success  to  your  own  good  offices  ; 
and  would  gladly  share  with  your  husband  the  honour  that 
might  result  from  our  operations.  I  have  within  these  few 
days  had  the  honour  to  receive  from  his  Majesty  the  cross  of 
Military  Merit,  with  a  sword  that  is  worthy  the  royal  giver, 
and  a  letter  which  I  ardently  wish  to  deserve.  I  hold  the 
sword  in  too  high  estimation  to  risk  its  being  taken  by  the 
enemy ;  and  therefore  propose  to  deposite  it  in  the  care  of  a 
friend.  None  can  be  more  worthy  of  that  sacred  deposite 
than  you,  Madam ;  and  if  you  will  do  me  the  honour  to  be  its 
guardian,  1  shall  esteem  myself  under  an  additional  obligation 
to  deserve  your  ribbon,  and  to  prove  myself  worthy  of  the  title 
of  your  knight.  I  promised  to  send  you  a  particular  account  of 
my  late  expedition  ;  but  the  late  extraordinary  events  that  have 
taken  place,  with  respect  to  the  frigate  Alliance,  make  me  wish 
to  postpone  that  relation  until  after  a  court-martial  in  America 
shall  have  furnished  evidence  for  many  circumstances  that 
would,  from  a  simple  assertion,  appear  romance  and  founded 
on  vanity.  The  only  reason  for  the  revolt  on  board  the 
Alliance  was,  because  the  men  were  not  paid  either  wages 
or  prize-money ;  and  because  one  or  two  envious  persons 
persuaded  them  that  I  had  concurred  with  M.  de  Chaumont 
to  defraud  them,  and  to  keep  them  in  Europe  during  the  war, 


LOVE-LETTERS.  .  361 

which,  God  knows,  was  not  true.  For  I  was  bound  directly 
for  America;  and  far  from  concurring  with  M.  de  Chaumont, 
I  had  not  even  written  or  spoken  to  him,  but  had  highly  re 
sented  his  mean  endeavours  to  keep  the  poor  men  out  of  their 
just  rights,  which  was  the  only  business  that  brought  me  to 
court  in  April. 

"  If  I  am  to  have  the  honour  of  writing  you  from  beyond 
sea,  you  will  find  that  the  cipher  I  had  the  honour  to  send 
you  may  be  necessary ;  because  I  would  not  wish  all  my  in 
formations  to  be  understood,  in  case  my  letters  should  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  I  shall  communicate  no  idea  in 
cipher  that  will  ofiend  even  such  great  delicacy  as  yours  ; 
but  as  you  are  a  philosopher,  and  as  friendship  has  nothing  to 
do  with  sex,  pray  what  harm  is  there  in  wishing  to  have  the 
picture  of  a  friend  ?  Present,  I  pray,  my  best  respects  to  the 
Count.  If  we  are  hereafter  to  be  concerned  together  in  war, 
I  hope  my  conduct  will  give  him  satisfaction;  at  any  rate  I 
hope  for  the  honour  of  his  friendship.  Be  assured  that  I  shall 
ever  preserve  for  you  the  most  profound  esteem  and  the  most 
grateful  respect  PAUL  JONES." 

The  lady  waived  the  honour  of  being  constituted  guardian 
of  the  gold  sword ;  and  whatever  her  influence  with  the 
Chevalier  might  have  been,  it  now  declined  rapidly.  From 
the  Road  of  Groix  Jones  wrote  to  her  in  the  following  well- 
considered  and  measured  terms ;  and,  from  his  next  letters, 
it  appears  that  the  correspondence  henceforth  languished  on 
his  side : — 

"  Paul  Jones  to  the  Countess  de  Lavendal. 

"  ARIEL,  Road  of  Groix,  September  21,  1780. 

"  MADAM, — I  was  honoured  with  the  very  polite  letter  that 

your  Ladyship  condescended  to  write  me  on  the  5th  of  last 

month.     I  am  sorry  that  you  have  found  it  necessary  to  refuse 

me  the  honour  of  accepting  the  deposite  mentioned  in  my  last, 

31 


362  COUNTESS  DE  LAVENDAL. 

but  am  determined  to  follow  your  advice,  and  be  myself  its 
guardian.  I  have  been  detained  in  this  open  road  by  contrary 
and  stormy  winds  since  the  4th  of  this  month.  There  is  this 
moment  an  appearance  of  a  fair  opportunity,  and  I  will 
eagerly  embrace  it.  I  have  received  a  letter  from  the  first 
minister,  very  favourable  to  the  project  I  mentioned  to  you, 
and  you  may  depend  on  my  utmost  interest  with  Congress  to 
bring  the  matter  to  issue,  I  am  sure  that  assembly  will  with 
pleasure  say  all  yourself  or  the  Count  could  wish  respecting 
the  Count,  if  my  scheme  is  adopted. 

"  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you,  that,  by  the  testi 
mony  of  all  the  persons  just  arrived  in  four  ships  at  L'Orient 
from  Philadelphia,  the  Congress  and  all  America  appeared  to 
be  warmly  my  friends ;  and  my  heart,  conscious  of  its  own 
uprightness,  tells  me  I  shall  be  well  received.  Deeply  and 
gratefully  impressed  with  a  sense  of  what  I  owe  to  you  and 
your  husband's  attentions  and  good  wishes,  and  ardently 
desiring  to  merit  your  friendship  and  the  love  of  this  nation  by 
my  whole  conduct  through  life, 

"  I  remain,  Madam,  &c.  &c. 

"  P.  S. — I  will  not  fail  to  write  whenever  I  have  anything 
worth  your  reading ;  at  the  same  time,  may  I  hope  to  be 
honoured  now  and  then  with  a  letter  from  you,  directed  to 
Philadelphia.  I  was  selfish  in  begging  you  to  write  me  in 
French,  because  your  letters  would  serve  me  as  an  exercise. 
Your  English  is  correct  and  even  elegant."* 

Long  afterwards  his  correspondence  with  the  Countess  is 
thus  ceremoniously  resumed : — 

*  The  above  letter  is  addressed;  in  the  copy  before  us,  to  the  Countess  de 
Bourbon.  It  is,  however,  obviously  intended  for1  the  Countess  de  Lavendal. 
Paul  Jones  could  not  have  been  in  correspondence  with  two  different  ladies  to 
whom  he  would  have  wished  to  intrust  "  the  deposite." 


M.  GENET.  303 

Captain  Paul  Jones  to  M,  de  Genet,  enclosing  Letters  to  the  Countess  de 
Lavendal  and  the  Marquis  de  Castries. 

"  TRIOMPHANT,  Porto  la  Bello,  February  28,  1783. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  favour  of 
the  16th  May,  1781,  only  a  few  days  before  I  launched  the 
America  at  Portsmouth.  Perhaps  Colonel  Lawrence,  (who 
is  no  more,)  in  the  warmth  of  his  public  zeal,  had  forgot  my 
letter,  and  carried  it  with  him  to  the  fate  of  Cornwallis.  My 
mind  was  so  much  on  the  stretch  from  receiving  your  letter 
till  I  reached  Boston,  that  you  will,  I  hope,  excuse  my  silence. 
I  expected  to  have  written  by  the  Iris ;  but  the  stormy 
weather  after  leaving  Boston  rendered  it  impossible  to  put 
letters  on  board,  and  I  had  not  a  moment's  time  before  we 
left  the  port.  I  leave  the  seal  of  my  letter  to  the  Marquis  de 
Castries  open,  that  you  may  read  it  yourself,  and  showr  it  to 
the  Countess  de  Lavendal  before  you  seal  and  deliver  it.  She 
will  there  see  that  invincible  obstacles  have  defeated  my  pro 
jects,  which  I  have  pursued  with  unremitting  attention.  I  am 
happy  that  my  little  present  was  accepted  by  Miss  Sophy* 
with  so  much  favour,  and  that  it  was  taken  in  good  part  by 
her  family  and  intended  husband.  I  am  not  surprised  that 
your  son-in-law  is  a  worthy  man.  It  could  not  be  otherwise, 
since  he  has  your  approbation,  and  is  the  choice  of  the  young 
lady.  From  the  complexion  of  the  King  of  England's  speech 
of  the  5th  December,  the  war  ought  now  to  be  at  an  end.  I 
hope  and  sincerely  wish  it,  for  humanity  has  need  of  peace. 
But  if  the  war  should  continue,  it  is  not  impossible  that  I  may 
command  again  before  it  is  finished.  Returning  my  respect 
ful  compliments  to  all  your  family,  and  to  Miss  Edes ;  and 
still  hoping  to  revisit  France,  T  am, 

"  Dear  Sir,  &c.  &c. 

"  M.  de  Genet,  Versailles." 

*  A  daughter  of  M.  Genet. 


,364  COUNTESS  DE  LAVENDAL. 

"  Captain  Paul  Jones  to  the  Countess  de  Lavendal,  enclosed  in  the  above, 
"  TRIOMPHANT,  Porto  Cabello,  February  28,  1783. 

"  I  RECEIVED.  Madam,  a  short  time  before  I  left  North 
America,  from  M.  Genet,  a  letter,  dated  Versailles,  18tjh  May, 
1781,  containing  a  message  from  your  Ladyship  respecting 
the  military  projects  I  had  in  contemplation  in  connexion 
with  the  Count  when  I  left  Versailles.  As  nothing  could  add 
more  to  my  disappointment  than  a  supposition  on  your  part 
that  I  had  not  pursued  these  objects  with  constant  zeal,  I 
have  desired  M.  Genet  to  put  into  your  hands,  before  it  is 
delivered  to  the  person  for  whom  it  is  directed,  a  letter,  by 
which  you  will  see  that  invincible  obstacles  alone  have  pre 
vented  the  full  operation  of  my  schemes,  which,  till  very 
lately,  have  always  been  supported  by  hope.  I  now  think 
the  war  at  an  end  ;  but,  if  it  should  continue,  I  shall  not  volun 
tarily  remain  out  of  the  busy  scene,  and  I  am  still  of  opinion 
my  former  projects  might  be  adopted  with  public  utility.  I 
can,  however,  promise  nothing,  but  that  my  principles  are 
invariably  the  same.  I  hope  to  return  to  France,  and  am 
persuaded  you  will  rather  feel  compassion  for  my  disap 
pointment  than  withdraw  from  me  any  part  of  your  esteem. 

"  I  am,  Madam,  with  sentiments  of  the  most  profound  re 
spect,  &c.  &c. 

"  To  the  Countess  de  Lauendal" 

In  reference  to  her  husband,  this  lady  had  evidently  formed 
expectations  from  Paul  Jones  which  he  never  possessed  the 
power  to  realize  ;  and  which,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  arose 
rather  from  the  strength  of  her  own  wishes,  than  from  false 
hopes  held  out  by  her  admirer.  How  he  could  have  proposed 
to  connect  himself  with  a  man  of  no  professional  eminence, 
whom,  when  the  idea  was  formed,  he  had  never  seen,  and, 
from  Miss  Edes'  report,  supposed  a  fool,  must  be  left  to 


MARQUIS  DE  CASTRIES.  365 

the  sagacity  of  the  reader,  and  will,  perhaps,  require  his  in 
dulgence. 

The  letter  sent  for  the  perusal  of  the  Countess  does  not  ap 
pear  much  in  point,  nor  could  it  have  proved  very  satisfac 
tory  to  her. 

"  Captain  Paul  Jones  to  the  Marquis  de  Castries,  enclosed  to  M.  Genet,  for 
the  perusal  of  the  Countess  de  Lavendal. 

"  TRIOMPHANT,  Porto  Cabello,  28th  February,  1783. 
"  MY  LORD  MARQUIS, — You  have  no  doubt  been  officially 
informed  of  the  act  of  Congress  presenting  the  America  to 
his  Majesty,  to  replace  the  Magnifique,  when  that  ship  was 
lost  at  Boston.  Perhaps  you  may  have  also  heard,  that  soon 
after  my  return  from  France  to  Philadelphia,  in  the  Ariel,  I 
was  unanimously  elected  by  Congress  to  command  the 
America.  It  was  proposed  by  his  Excellency,  Mr.  Morris, 
Minister  of  Marine,  to  arm  the  America  en  jlute,  and  send 
her  to  Brest  in  December,  1781,  with  a  cargo  of  large  masts, 
fit  for  ships  of  the  line,  to  be  armed  for  war,  &c.  But  when 
I  arrived  at  Portsmouth,  I  found  the  ship  not  half  built,  and 
all  the  materials  were  wanting  to  finish  the  construction. 
Instead  of  commanding  a  fine  ship,  and  being  attended  by 
frigates  belonging  to  the  continent,  the  inspection  of  the  con 
struction  fell  entirely  upon  me,  almost  without  money  or 
materials  to  carry  it  on.  I  had  been  thus  employed  for  six 
teen  months  before  the  act  of  Congress  presenting  the  Ame 
rica  to  the  King  deprived  me  of  that  command.  It  was 
thought  that  act  of  Congress  must  give  me  pain,  but  those 
who  were  of  that  opinion  did  not  well  know  my  character. 
It  was  a  sacrifice  I  made  with  pleasure,  to  testify  my  grate 
ful  regard  for  his  Majesty,  and  my  invariable  attention  and 
zeal  to  promote  the  common  cause.  I  continued  my  inspec 
tion  till  the  America  was  launched,  and  having  then  delivered 
her  to  M.  de  Martigne,  appointed  by  his  Excellency  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  I  set  out  for  Philadelphia.  A  project 
31* 


36(5  COUNTESS  DE  LAVENDAL. 

was  then  in  contemplation  between  Mr.  Morris  and  the 
Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  for  employing  me  immediately  with 
a  command  of  some  frigates  ;  but  not  being  able  to  get  the 
South  Carolina  frigate  out  of  the  hands  of  Mr.  Gillan,  their 
project  did  not  succeed.  Thus  disappointed,  I  applied  to 
Congress  to  send  me  back  to  Boston  to  make  a  campaign  for 
my  instruction  on  board  his  Majesty's  fleet.  Congress  having 
passed  an  act  for  that  purpose,  I  returned  to  Boston  the  day 
before  the  fleet  sailed,  with  letters  from  the  Minister  of 
Marine,  and  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  to  his  Excellency 
the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  who  kindly  received  me  as  a 
volunteer  on  board  of  his  ship.  I  have  been  so  handsomely 
treated,  both  by  him  and  the  officers,  both  of  the  fleet  and 
army,  that  they  leave  me  nothing  more  to  wish  for  from 
them.  I  am  directed  to  return  to  Philadelphia  when  the  cam 
paign  is  ended,  unless,  in  the  meantime,  I  should  receive 
orders  to  the  contrary.  I  beseech  you  to  assure  his  Majesty, 
that  I  will  eagerly  embrace  every  opportunity  to  testify  by 
my  conduct  the  high  sense  I  have  of  the  honourable  marks 
conferred  on  me  of  his  favour  and  esteem,  and  that  I  feel 
a  superior  obligation  for  the  many  marks  of  his  bounty. — 
I  am, 

"My  Lord  Marquis, 

with  profound  respect,  &c. 
"  To  his  Excellency  the  Marquis 
de  Castries"  fyc. 

Of  the  Countess  de  Lavendal  we  learn  no  more ;  nor  would 
the  affair  have  been  worth  notice,  were  it  not  already  before 
the  public.  The  motives  which  led  to  the  earlier  part  of  this 
correspondence  cannot  be  mistaken ;  nor  is  the  address  dis 
played  in  the  attempt  to  give  the  affair  a  turn  much  to  be 
commended,  unless,  as  seems  extremely  probable,  the  coquetry 
of  the  lady,  and  her  retention  of  the  gifts  she  disclaims  in 
words,  justify  the  affected  astonishment  of  an  admirer  whose 


DELIA'S  ATTACHMENT.  367 

vanity  was  to  all  appearance  more  interested  than  his  serious 
affections.  If  the  apology  be  offered  for  this  correspondence, 
that  Paul  Jones  did  not  understand  French  manners,  this  will 
more  strongly  justify  the  lady  than  her  admirer ;  and  it  is  to 
be  feared  that  another  aggravation  is  its  being  simultaneous 
with  that  of  the  devoted  Delia,  the  anonymous  lady  already 
mentioned. 

Delia  has  so  dexterously  preserved  her  incognita,  that  it  is 
scarce  possible,  even  if  it  were  important,  to  ascertain  her 
real  condition.  Her  letters  which  are  preserved  appear  to 
have  been  written  to  Jones  while  at  L'Orient,  and  when  he 
was  supposed  on  the  eve  of  sailing  for  America.  These 
epistles,  which  are  warmly  passionate,  breathe  the  eloquence 
of  deep  and  genuine  feeling,  and  display  the  boundless  gene 
rosity  of  a  devoted  if  not  very  discreet  attachment ;  but  they, 
at  the  same  time,  discover  a  larger  experience  in  "  affairs  of 
the  heart"  than  was  likely  to  be  possessed  or  acknowledged 
by  a  very  young  woman,  and  habits  of  life  which  intimate 
more  independence  and  freedom  than  custom  permitted  to 
any  unmarried  French  girl,  if  above  the  very  lowest  rank. 
Delia  appears  to  have  received  the  visits  of  gentlemen, — a 
privilege  enjoyed  only  by  married  women  or  widows ;  and 
she  alludes  to  her  income  of  eight  thousand  livres  (no  small 
fortune  in  those  days)  as  if  it  were  under  her  sole  and  uncon 
trolled  command.  She  alleges  her  liberality  of  disposition  as 
the  cause  of  her  narrow  fortune,  and  thus  warrants  the  con 
clusion,  that  her  conduct  was  perfectly  independent  of  control. 
Her  extreme  apprehension  lest  her  letters  or  her  portrait 
should  be  seen,  which  is  repeatedly  expressed,  is  but  a  natural 
and  becoming  female  feeling,  from  which  nothing  can  be  sur 
mised  of  her  real  character  and  condition.  It  was  a  duty 
that  her  lover  owed  to  her  memory,  or,  if  she  survived  him, 
to  the  memory  of  their  attachment,  to  have  placed  this  warm 
and  animated  correspondence  beyond  the  power  of  either 
misrepresentation  or  derision. 


368  DELIA'S  ATTACHMENT. 

In  the  American  Memoir  of  Paul  Jones  republished  in  Lon 
don,  it  is  said,  "  the  Commodore  grew  alarmed  when  the  lady 
proposed  to  follow  him  to  America."  Her  original  letters, 
which  Paul  Jones  has  preserved  with  a  care  he  was  not  likely 
to  have  bestowed  on  those  of  a  person  to  whom  he  was  in 
different,  bear  no  trace  of  any  proposition  so  indecorous.  In 
the  most  fervid  of  her  eloquent  compositions,  with  an  abund 
ant  lack  of  discretion,  there  is  no  symptom  of  indelicacy. 
Her  distress,  her  agonies  at  parting  with  her  lover,  are  very 
frankly  proclaimed,  but  she  contemplates  no  such  termination 
of  her  misery  as  an  elopement.  "  Heaven,"  she  says,  "  will 
reunite  us,  and  watch  over  the  fate  of  two  beings  who  love 
faithfully,  and  whose  upright  hearts  deserve  to  be  happy.  I 
incessantly  address  myself  to  heaven  for  your  safe  arrival  in 
America.  If  you  are  satisfied  with  that  government  you  W7ill 
continue  in  its  service ;  if  not,  resign,  and  rejoin  your  faithful 
friend.  The  whole  world  besides  may  forsake  you,  but  her 
heart  is  eternally  yours.  You  inquire  how  you  can  render 
me  happy  ? — take  care  of  yourself,  love  me,  study  the  means 
of  enabling  us  to  pass  our  lives  together,  and  never  forget 
that  my  life  is  bound  up  in  yours."  Delia  makes  her  lover 
repeated  offers  of  such  assistance  as  she  had  the  power  of 
affording  during  the  exigency  of  his  affairs  at  L'Orient : — 
"  She  had  trinkets,  she  had  effects,"  and  with  the  most  disin 
terested  spirit  she  is  willing  to  sacrifice  them  all.  These  offers 
are  made  with  grace  and  delicacy,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
they  were  accepted  ;  and,  from  a  passage  in  one  of  her  let 
ters,  it  would  seem  that  Paul  Jones  had  given  her  assistance 
of  a  pecuniary  nature. 

It  is  said  by  the  poet, — 

"  Those  who  greatly  love  must  greatly  fear ;" — 

the  love  of  Delia  was  extreme,  and  her  fears  corresponded  to 
its  excess.  The  letters  of  Jones  were  tolerably  frequent  for  a 
man  engaged  in  quelling  a  mutiny,  and  corresponding  with  a 


THE  IRRESISTIBLE  LOVE-LETTERS.  369 

coquetish  Countess.  They  appear  to  have  soothed  the  fears 
of  Delia,  and  filled  her  with  rapturous  delight  for  the  mo 
ment.  She  alludes  to  his  responding  tears,  sighs,  and  verses  ; 
envies  her  own  portrait  in  his  possession,  but  as  regularly 
relapses  into  a  state  of  distracting  doubt  if  his  silence  ex 
ceeded  the  period  she  had  fixed  for  receiving  a  letter. 

We  can  perceive  no  reason  for  believing  "  Delia  a  young 
and  high  lady  of  the  court ;"  but  her  early  letters  possess 
those  indelible  marks  of  sincerity,  and  of  warmth  and  gene 
rosity  of  feeling,  which  could  not  fail  to  interest,  were  it  pos 
sible  to  ascertain  who  the  writer  really  was.  Her  memory, 
nevertheless,  possesses  some  claim  with  that  class  of  readers 
pre-eminently  called  "  gentle ;"  nor  is  it  possible  to  look  on 
the  tear-stains  that  blot  those  crooked  characters,  traced  by 
a  hand  then  trembling  with  youthful  passion,  and  over  which 
the  grave  must  long  since  have  closed,  without  a  feeling  of 
pity  and  kindness  for  the  fair  writer,  so  devoted,  so  eloquent, 
and  probably  so  unfortunate. 

Of  the  "  irresistible-  love-letters"  of  Paul  Jones,  commem 
orated  by  Miss  Edes  and  the  London  editor,  we  subjoin  one 
specimen,  as  they  have  given  none.  It,  we  fear,  does  not 
lessen  the  suspicion,  that,  in  the  case  of  Delia,  the  attachment 
at  this  time  was  strongest  on  the  wrong  side.  It  is  written 
on  Christmas-day, — a  season  for  which  lovers  seldom  wait, 
though  parted  friends  often  choose  on  it  to  make  quittance  of 
neglected  correspondence. 

Paul  Jones  to  Delia. 

"December  25th,  1781. 

"  I  wrote,  my  lovely  Delia,  various  letters  from  Philadel 
phia,  the  last  of  which  was  dated  the  20th  of  June.  On  the 
26th  of  that  month  I  was  unanimously  elected  by  Congress 
to  command  the  America  of  74  guns,  on  the  stocks  at  Ports 
mouth,  New  Hampshire.  I  superintended  the  building,  which 
I  find  so  much  more  backward  than  I  expected,  that  a  plan 


370  RETURN  TO  PARIS. 

of  operations  which  I  had  in  view  is  entirely  defeated.  I  ex 
pected  to  have  been  at  sea  this  winter,  but  the  building  does 
not  go  on  with  the  vigour  I  could  wish.  Since  I  came  here 
I  have  not  had  a  single  good  opportunity  to  write  to  Europe. 
This  situation  is  doubly  irksome  to  me,  my  lovely  friend,  as  it 
stops  my  pursuit  of  honour  as  well  as  love.  It  is  now  more 
than  twelve  months  since  I  left  France,  yet  I  have  not  re 
ceived  a  single  letter  from  thee  in  all  that  time,  except  the 
one  written  in  answer  to  my  letter  at  taking  leave.  That 
one  is  a  tender  letter  indeed,  and  does  honour  to  thy  match- 
less  heart.  I  read  often,  and  always  with  transport,  the  many 
charming  things  that  are  expressed  in  thy  letters,  but  especially 
the  last.  Thy  adieu  has  in  it  all  the  finer  feelings  blended  with 
the  noblest  sentiments  of  the  heart.  Providence,  all  just  and 
good,  has  given  thee  a  soul  worthy  to  animate  nature's  fairest 
work.  I  rest,  therefore,  assured,  that  absence  will  not  di 
minish  but  refine  the  pure c  and  spotless  friendship  that  binds 
our  souls  together,  and  will  ever  impress  each  to  merit  the 
affection  of  the  other.  Remember  and  believe  my  letter  at 
parting ;  it  was  but  a  faint  picture  of  my  heart.  I  will  find 
opportunities  to  write,  and  be  everything  thou  canst  wish. 
My  address  is  under  cover  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Morris,  Esq., 
Minister  of  Finance,  Philadelphia. 

"  I  have  not  since  heard  of  your  relation  I  left  behind,  but 
suppose  he  is  with  the  army." 

We  cannot  tell  whether  Delia  profited  or  not  by  this  ad 
dress  ;  but  three  years  afterwards,  when  the  Chevalier  arrived 
in  Paris  as  agent  for  prize-money,  \ve  find  her  still  alive  and 
faithful.  Paul  Jones  has  preserved  her  first  note,  and  in  his 
own  handwriting  affixed  the  date  to  it : — "  From  her  apart 
ments  in  the  Boulevard,"  &c.  &c.  He  had  some  reason  to 
be  proud  of  her  fidelity: — this  was  Paris  in  1783.  Delia's 
note  is  exceedingly  characteristic  of  her  country,  though  we 
like  its  tone  much  less  than  that  of  the  earlier  effusions  of 


MAimME  T .  371 

its  author : — "  Is  it  possible  that  you  arc  then  so  near  me,  and 
that  I  am  deprived  of  the  sight  of  a  mortal  who  has  constituted 
the  misery  of  my  life  for  four  years  ? — O !  most  amiable  and 
most  ungrateful  of  men,  come  to  your  best  friend,  who  burns 
with  the  desire  of  seeing  you.  You  ought  to  know  that  it  is 
but  eight  days  since  your  Delia  was  at  the  brink  of  the  grave. 
Come,  in  the  name  of  Heaven !" 

It  is  probable  that  the  Chevalier  obeyed  this  summons,  since 
he  thought  it  worth  while  to  preserve  the  billet  in  which  it  is 
conveyed. 

Delia  now  disappears  from  the  scene  as  abruptly  as  the 
"  beautiful  Countess,"  unless  we  are  able  to  indentify  her  with 
Madame  T ,  a  lady  for  whom,  about  this  time,  the  Chev 
alier  evinces  a  warm  interest.  The  supposition,  that  Madame 

T ,  a  widow,  it  may  be  presumed,  from  her  friendless 

and  unprotected  state,  and  Delia,  are  the  same  individual,  is 
feasible  in  itself,  creditable  to  both  parties,  and  readily  ac 
counts  for  all  the  ambiguities  in  the  letters,  and  still  more  in 
the  situation  of  Delia.  With  Madame  T Jones  cor 
responded  after  his  return  to  America  in  178G.  Her  letters 
to  him  were  sent  to  the  care  of  the  American  minister,  as 
those  of  Delia  had  formerly  .been.  The  reader  has  the  ad 
vantage  of  being  introduced  to  this  lady  by  Paul  Jones  him 
self  in  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson : — 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  letter  from  Madame 

T ,  which  you  forwarded  by  the  June  packet.     I  now 

take  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  letter  for  that  worthy  lady ;  and, 
as  I  had  not  the  happiness  to  introduce  you  to  her,  (because 
I  wished  her  fortune  to  have  been  previously  established,)  I 
shall  now  tell  you  in  confidence,  that  she  is  the  daughter  of 
the  late  King  and  a  lady  of  quality,  on  whom  his  Majesty 
bestowed  a  very  large  fortune  on  his  daughter's  account. 
Unfortunately  the  father  died  while  the  daughter  (his  great 
favourite)  was  very  young,  and  the  mother  has  never  since 


372  MADAME  T . 

shown  her  either  justice  or  natural  affection.  She  was  long 
the  silent  victim  of  that  injustice ;  but  I  had  the  pleasure  to 
be  instrumental  in  putting  her  in  a  fair  way  to  obtain  redress. 
His  present  Majesty  received  her  last  year  with  great  kindness. 
He  gave  her  afterwards  several  particular  audiences,  and 
said  '  he  charged  himself  with  her  fortune.'  Some  things 
were,  as  I  have  understood,  fixed  on,  that  depended  solely  on 
the  King,  and  he  said  he  would  dictate  the  justice  to  be  ren 
dered  by  the  mother.  But  the  letter  you  sent  me  left  the 
feeling  author  all  in  tears !  Her  friend,  her  protectress,  her 
introductress  to  the  King,  was  suddenly  dead  !  She  was  in 
despair  !  She  lost  more  than  a  mother !  A  loss,  indeed,  that 
nothing  can  repair ;  for  fortune  and  favour  are  never  to  be 
compared  to  tried  friendship.  I  hope,  however,  she  has  gone 
to  visit  the  King  in  July,  agreeably  to  his  appointment  given 
her  in  the  month  of  March.  I  am  persuaded  that  he  would 
receive  her  with  additional  kindness,  and  that  her  loss  would, 
in  his  rnind,  be  a  new  claim  to  his  protection,  especially  as  he 
well  knows,  and  has  acknowledged,  her  superior  merit  and 
just  pretensions.  As  I  feel  the  greatest  concern  for  the  situa 
tion  of  this  worthy  lady,  you  will  render  rne  a  great  favour 
by  writing  her  a  note,  requesting  her  to  call  on  you,  as  you 
have  something  to  communicate  from  me.  When  she  comes, 
be  so  good  as  to  deliver  the  within  letter,  and  show  her  this, 
that  she  may  see  both  my  confidence  in  you  and  my  advice 
to  her." 

Living  so  long  in  Paris  or  Versailles,  it  is  scarcely  possi 
ble  that  Paul  Jones  could  have  been  deceived  in  the  charac 
ter  or  pretensions  of  Madame  T ,  though  such  is  not 

the  way  in  which  the  daughters  "  of  Louis  XV.,  by  ladies  of 
quality,"  were  usually  treated.  It  might  also  be  supposed, 
that  some  trace  of  this  daughter  would  be  found  in  the  nume 
rous  memoirs,  letters,  and  secret  histories  of  the  Court  of 
France.  We  are  not  aware  that  any  such  evidence  does 
exist.  It  would,  however,  be  high  presumption  to  limit  the  num- 


MADAME  T .  373 

her  of  the  illegitimate  children  of  so  patriarchal  a  monarch 
as  Louis  XV.  Madame  T •  was  therefore,  in  all  proba 
bility,  one  of  his  numerous  descendants,  the  only  inexplicable 
circumstance  being,  that  a  daughter,  "  his  great  favourite," 
should  not  otherwise  be  ever  heard  of;  and  that,  "  very 
young"  when  her  father  died,  (in  1774,)  we  should  find  in  her 
either  the  Delia  of  1780, or  the  Madame  T ,  a  widow  un 
known  or  unfriended,  of  1786.  The  lady,  her  protectress,  to 
whom  Paul  Jones  alludes,  was,  we  are  incidentally  informed, 
the  Marchioness  de  Marssan,  to  whom  he  introduced  her. 
This  lady  we  should  presume  to  be  her  of  the  same  name, 
governess  to  the  grand-daughters  of  Louis  XV.,  and  sisters  of 
his  unfortunate  successor.  There  is,  in  short,  something  inex 
plicable  to  us  in  the  history  of  Madame  T :  The  sen 
timents  entertained  for  her  by  Paul  Jones  are,  however,  abun 
dantly  clear ;  they  breathe  a  far  more  anxious  interest  than 
that  of  friendship.  The  subjoined  letter  is  a  copy  of  that  en 
closed  to  Madame  T in  the  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson ;  the 

other  letter  was  written  to  her  shortly  afterwards. 

"  Paul  Jones  to  Madame  T . 


"  NEW  YORK,  September  4th,  1787. 

"  No  language  can  convey  to  my  fair  mourner  the  tender 
sorrow  I  feel  on  her  account !  The  loss  of  our  worthy  friend 
is  indeed  a  fatal  stroke  !  It  is  an  irreparable  misfortune  which 
can  only  be  alleviated  by  this  one  reflection,  that  it  is  the  will 
of  God,  whose  providence  has,  I  hope,  other  blessings  in  store 
for  us.  She  was  a  tried  friend,  and  more  than  a  mother  to 
you !  She  would  have  been  a  mother  to  me  also  had  she 
lived.  We  have  lost  her !  Let  us  cherish  her  memory,  and 
send  up  grateful  thanks  to  the  Almighty  that  we  once  had  such 
a  friend.  I  cannot  but  flatter  myself  that  you  have  yourself 
gone  to  the  K — —  in  July  as  he  had  appointed.  1  am  sure  your 
loss  will  be  a  new  inducement  for  him  to  protect  you,  and 
32 


374  LETTER  TO  MADAME  T . 

render  you  justice.  He  will  hear  you,  I  am  sure ;  and  you 
may  safely  unbosom  yourself  to  him,  and  ask  his  advice, 
which  cannot  but  be  flattering  to  him  to  give  you.  Tell  him 
you  must  look  on  him  as  your  father  and  protector.  If  it 

were  necessary,  I  think,  too,  that  the  Count  d'A- ,*  his 

brother,  would,  on  your  personal  application,  render  you  good 
offices  by  speaking  in  your  favour.  I  should  like  it  better, 
however,  if  you  can  do  without  him.  Mr.  Jefferson  will  show 
you  my  letter  of  this  date  to  him.  You  will  see  by  it  how 
disgracefully  I  have  been  detained  here  by  the  board  of 
Treasury.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  stir  from  this  place  till 
I  obtain  their  settlement  on  the  business  I  have  already  per 
formed  ;  and  as  the  season  is  already  far  advanced,  I  expect 
to  be  ordered  to  embark  directly  for  the  place  of  my  destina 
tion  in  the  North.  Mr.  Jefferson  will  forward  me  your  letters. 
I  am  almost  without  money,  and  much  puzzled  to  obtain  a 
supply.  I  have  written  to  Dr.  B.,f  to  endeavour  to  assist  me. 
I  mention  this  with  infinite  regret,  and  for  no  other  reason 
than  because  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  transmit  you  a  supply 
under  my  present  circumstances.  This  is  my  fifth  letter  to 
you  since  I  left  Paris.  The  two  last  were  from  France,  and 
I  sent  them  by  duplicates.  But  you  say  nothing  of  having 
received  any  letters  from  me !  Summon,  my  dear  friend,  all 
your  resolution !  Exert  yourself,  and  plead  your  own  cause. 
You  cannot  fail  of  success — your  cause  would  move  a  heart 
of  flint !  Present  my  best  respects  to  your  sister.  You  did 
not  mention  her  in  your  letter ;  but  I  persuade  myself  she  will 
continue  her  tender  care  of  her  sweet  god-son,  and  that  you 
will  cover  him  all  over  with  kisses  from  me:  they  come 
warm  to  you  both  from  the  heart !" 

*  Count  d'Artois,  afterwards  Charles  X.  t  Bancroft. 


LETTER  TO  MADAME  T .  375 

To  the  same. 

NEW  YORK,  October  24,  1787. 

"  The  last  French  packet  brought  no  letter  to  me  from  the 
person  whose  happiness  is  dearer  to  me  than  anything  else. 
I  have  been  on  the  rack  of  fear  and  apprehension,  and  am 
totally  unable  to  account  for  that  silence !  My  business  is 
done  here,  and  the  moment  of  my  return  to  Europe  ap 
proaches.  My  sentiments  are  unchanged,  and  my  impatience 
can  better  be  imagined  than  expressed.  I  have  been  honoured 
here  beyond  my  own  expectations.*  But  your  silence  makes 
even  honours  insipid.  I  am,  however,  far  from  blaming 
you ;  want  of  health,  or  some  other  misfortune,  must  have 
interposed.  If  this  reaches  you,  remember  me  affectionately 
to  your  sister  and  her  god-son.  May  Heaven  avert  all  trouble 
from  you !" 

Paul  Jones  almost  immediately  followed  this  letter  to 
Europe.  During  his  short  stay  in  Paris  in  the  winter  of 
1787,  he  must  in  all  probability  have  again  seen  the  lady  to 
whom  it  was  addressed.  Both  the  letters,  as  well  as  that 
sent  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  bear  testimony  how  deeply  his  feelings 
were  involved  in  this  attachment,  by  whatever  name  it  is 
called,  love  or  friendship.  Yet  it  must  have  terminated  un 
satisfactorily,  if  not  unhappily.  From  the  period  of  his  set 
ting  out  for  Denmark  and  Russia,  his  correspondence  bears 

no  trace  of  Madame  T ;  and  by  the  time  he  reached 

Amsterdam  on  his  return,  this  lady  must  either  have  been 
forgotten,  or  deemed  unworthy  of  remembrance.  Whether 
this  arose  from  his  own  conduct  or  fickleness,  or  the  incon 
stancy  of  that  friend  of  whose  silence  while  in  America  he 
had  complained  as  "  making  even  honours  insipid,"  it  is  now 
impossible  to  determine,  though  on  this  occasion  we  are  in- 

*  See  page  198. 


376  DISAPPOINTMENT. 

clined  to  decide  against  the  lady,  should  she  even  be,  as  we 
have  surmised,  the  "  eternally  devoted"  Delia  herself. 

From  a  letter  written  by  Paul  Jones  to  two  ladies  whom 
he  numbered  among  his  friends,  and  who  had  pointedly 
alluded  to  the  supposed  state  of  his  affections,  and  his  engage 
ments  in  Paris,  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  he  may,  in  ad 
dition  to  baffled  professional  hopes,  have  suffered  disappoint 
ment  of  a  more  tender  kind. 

"  Paul  Jones  to  Mesdames  Le  Grande  and  Rinsby,  a  Trevoux,  prts 
de  Lion. 

"  PARIS,  Feb.  25, 1791. 

"  DEAR  AND  AMIABLE  LADIES, — Madame  Clement  has  read 
me  a  part  of  a  letter  from  you,  in  which  you  conclude  that  I 
prefer  love  to  friendship,  and  Paris  to  Trevoux.  As  to  the 
first  part  you  may  be  right,  for  love  frequently  communicates 
divine  qualities,  and  in  that  light  may  be  considered  as  the 
cordial  that  Providence  has  bestowed  on  mortals,  to  help 
them  to  digest  the  nauseous  draught  of  life.  Friendship, 
they  say,  has  more  solid  qualities  than  love.  This  is  a  ques 
tion  I  shall  not  attempt  to  resolve ;  but  sad  experience  generally 
shows  that  where  we  expect  to  find  a  friend  we  have  only 
been  treacherously  deluded  by  false  appearances,  and  that 
the  goddess  herself  very  seldom  confers  her  charms  on  any 
of  the  human  race.  As  to  the  second,  I  am  too  much  a 
philosopher  to  prefer  noise  to  tranquillity :  if  this  does  not 
determine  the  preference  between  Paris  and  Trevoux,  1  will 
add,  that  I  have  had  very  bad  health  almost  ever  since  your 
departure,  and -that  other  circumstances  have  conspired  to 
detain  me  here,  which  have  nothing  to  do  either  with  love  or 
friendship.  My  health  is  now  recovering,  and  as  what  is  re 
tarded  is  not  always  lost,  I  hope  soon  to  have  the  happiness 
of  paying  you  my  personal  homage,  and  of  renewing  the 
assurance  of  that  undiminished  attachment  which  women  of 


A  FRANK  LETTER.  377 

such  distinguished  worth  and  talents  naturally  inspire.     I  am, 
in  the  mean  time,  dear  and  amiable  Ladies, 

"  Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant, 

"  PAUL  JONES." 

The  lady's  answer  merits  to  be  preserved.  It  displays  the 
true  kindness  of  female  friendship,  and  the  frank  politeness  of 
a  Frenchwoman. 

"TREVOUX,  6th  March,  1791. 

"  SIR, — I  had  given  up  the  hope  of  receiving  any  intelligence 
of  your  Excellency,  and  I  acknowledge  it  cost  me  much  be 
fore  I  could  believe  that  the  promise  of  a  great  man  was  no 
more  to  be  relied  on  than  that  of  the  herd  of  mankind.  The 
letter  with  which  you  have  honoured  me  convinces  me  that 
my  heart  knew  you  better  than  my  head ;  for  though  my 
reason  whispered  that  you  had  quite  forgotten  us,  I  was  un 
willing  to  believe  it. 

"  Madame  Wolfe,  as  well  as  myself,  is  much  concerned  for 
the  bad  state  of  your  health.  I  am  sorry  that,  like  myself, 
your  Excellency  is  taught  the  value  of  health  by  sickness. 
Come  to  us,  Sir ;  if  you  do  not  find  here  the  pleasures  you 
enjoy  in  Paris,  you  will  find  a  good  air,  frugal  meals,  freedom, 
and  hearts  that  can  appreciate  you. 

"  I  am  concerned  to  perceive  that  your  Excellency  is  an 
unbeliever  in  friendship.  Alas,  if  you  want  friends,  who  shall 
pretend  to  possess  them  !  I  hope  you  will  recover  from  this 
error,  and  be  convinced  that  friendship  is  something  more 
than  a  chimera  of  Plato. 

"  Do  me  the  favour  to  acquaint  me  with  the  time  we  may 

expect  the  honour  of  seeing  you.     I  must  be  absent  for  some 

days,  and  I  would  not  for  anything  in  the  world  that  I  should 

not  be  here  on  your  arrival.     If  I  knew  the  time,  I  would  send 

32  * 


378  JONES'S  LETTERS  TO  HIS  SISTER. 

my  little  carriage  to  meet  the  stage-coach,  as  I  suppose  you 

will  take  that  conveyance. 

"  Madame  Wolfe  expects  the  moment  of  your  arrival  with 
as  much  eagerness  as  myself,  (she  says ;)  but  as  I  best  know 
my  own  feelings,  I  am  certain  I  go  beyond  her.  Of  this  I 
am  certain,  that  \ve  shall  both  count  the  day  till  we  have  the 
happiness  of  seeing  you.  Come  quickly  then,  I  pray  you. 

"  I  beg  you,  Sir,  to  receive  the  assurance  of  the  respectful 
consideration  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be  your  Ex 
cellency's  most  humble  and  obedient  servant." 

The  letters  of  Paul  Jones  to  his  sisters  in  Scotland  are  those 
in  which  his  private  character  is  most  truly  and  advantage 
ously  seen.  With  them  he  had  no  part  to  act,  no  interest  to 
pursue.  His  fraternal  feelings  were  warm  and  steady,  and 
the  advice  he  conveyed  to  his  discordant  family,  who  ac 
quainted  him  with  their  dissensions,  as  a  person  to  whom 
both  parties  were  disposed  to  appeal,  does  equal  credit  to  his 
head  and  heart.  That  these  letters  should  display  any  traits 
of  the  affectionate,  confidential  cordiality  which  render  the 
familiar  letters  of  near  relatives  so  delightful,  is  not  to  be  ex 
pected.  With  his  sisters  he  had  enjoyed  no  domestic  inter 
course  from  boyhood,  and  he  could  know  little  of  them  by  an 
unfrequent  interchange  of  letters.  Though  not  alienated  from 
his  affections,  they  were  strangers  to  his  tastes,  his  habits,  his 
friends,  and  modes  of  life,  and  it  is  therefore  of  their  own  in 
terests  and  affairs  only  that  he  chooses  to  speak  to  them. 

"  Paul  Jones  to  his  Sister,  Mis.  Taylor. 

"AMSTERDAM,  March  26,  1790. 

"  I  wrote  you,  my  dear  friend,  from  Paris,  by  Mr.  Ken 
nedy,  who  delivered  me  the  kind  letter  you  wrote  me  by  him. 
Circumstances  obliged  me  to  return  soon  afterwards  to 
America,  and  on  my  arrival  at  New  York,  Mr.  Thomson 
delivered  me  a  letter  that  had  been  intrusted  to  his  care  by 
Mrs.  Loudon.  It  would  be  superfluous  to  mention  the  great 


EDUCATION.  379 

satisfaction  I  received  in  hearing  from  two  persons  I  so  much 
love  and  esteem,  and  whose  worthy  conduct  as  wives  and 
mothers  is  so  respectable  in  my  eyes.  Since  my  return  to 
Europe,  a  train  of  circumstances  and  changes  of  residence 
have  combined  to  keep  me  silent.  This  has  given  me  more 
pain  than  I  can  express ;  for  I  have  a  tender  regard  for  you 
both,  and  nothing  can  be  indifferent  to  me  that  regards  your 
happiness  and  the  welfare  of  your  children.  I  wish  for  a  par 
ticular  detail  of  their  age,  respective  talents,  characters,  and 
education.  I  do  not  desire  this  information  merely  from  curi 
osity.  It  would  afford  me  real  satisfaction  to  be  useful  to  their 
establishment  in  life.  We  must  s'udy  the  genius  and  inclina 
tion  of  the  boys,  and  try  to  fit  them,  by  a  suitable  educa 
tion,  for  the  pursuits  we  may  be  able  to  adopt  for  their 
advantage.  When  their  education  shall  be  advanced  to  a 
proper  stage,  at  the  school  of  Dumfries  for  instance,  it  must 
then  be  determined  whether  it  may  be  most  economical  and 
advantageous  for  them  to  go  to  Edinburgh  or  France  to  finish 
their  studies.  All  this  is  supposing  them  to  have  great  natural 
genius  and  goodness  of  disposition  ;  for  without  these  they 
can  never  become  eminent.  For  the  females,  they  require 
an  education  suited  to  the  delicacy  of  character  that  is  be- 
cominor  in  their  sex.  I  wish  I  had  a  fortune  to  offer  to  each 

o 

of  them  ;  but  though  this  is  not  the  case,  I  may  yet  be  useful 
to  them.  And  I  desire  particularly  to  be  useful  to  the  two 
young  women,  who  have  a  double  claim  to  my  regard,  as 
they  have  lost  their  father.  Present  my  kind  compliments 
to  Mrs.  Loudon,  to  her  husband,  to  Mr.  Taylor,  and  your 
two  families,  and  depend  on  my  affectionate  attachment. 

"  Write  me  without  delay,  and  having  sealed  and  directed 
your  letter  as  you  did  the  one  you  sent  me  by  Mr.  Kennedy, 
let  it  be  enclosed  in  a  cover,  and  direct  the  cover  thus,  *  To 
Messieurs  Stophorst  and  Hubbard,  Amsterdam.'  You  will 
inquire  if  it  be  necessary  to  pay  a  part  of  the  postage  in  order 
that  the  letter  may  be  sent  to  Holland  in  the  packet.  I  should 


380  JONES'S  LETTERS  TO  HIS  SISTER. 

be  glad  if  the  two  Miss  Youngs*  would  do  me  the  favour  to 
write  me  each  a  paragraph  in  your  letter,  or  to  write  me,  if 
they  prefer  it,  each  a  separate  letter,  and  I  should  be  glad  to 
find  that  they  understand  and  can  write  the  French." 

This  letter,  like  all  those  to  his  own  family,  has  no  sig 
nature. 

In  the  end  of  this  year  (1790)  we  find  another  of  his  letters, 
from  which,  with  very  great  pleasure,  we  give  the  following 
extract.  The  sisters  of  the  Rear- Admiral,  who  were  proba 
bly  both  in  the  wrong,  had.  it  appears,  appealed  to  him  in 
their  disputes.  It  is  to  be  hoped  they  profited  by  his  ad 
monitions. 

"PARIS,  December  27th,  1790. 

"  I  duly  received,  my  dear  Mrs.  Taylor,  your  letter  of  the 
16th  August,  but  ever  since  that  time  I  have  been  unable  to 
answer  it,  not  having  been  capable  to  go  out  of  my  chamber, 
and  having  been  for  the  most  part  obliged  to  keep  my  bed. 
I  have  now  no  doubt  but  that  I  am  in  a  fair  way  of  a  perfect 
recovery,  though  it  will  require  time  and  patience. 

"  I  shall  not  conceal  from  you  that  your  family  discord 
aggravates  infinitely  all  my  pains.  My  grief  is  inexpressible, 
that  two  sisters,  whose  happiness  is  so  interesting  to  me,  do 
not  live  together  in  that  mutual  tenderness  and  affection  which 
would  do  so  much  honour  to  themselves  and  to  the  memory 
of  their  worthy  relations.  Permit  me  to  recommend  to  your 
serious  study  and  application  Pope's  Universal  Prayer.  You 
will  find  more  morality  in  that  little  piece  than  in  many 
volumes  that  have  been  written  by  great  divines — 

'  Teach  me  to  feel  another's  wo, 

To  hide  the  fault  I  see; 
That  mercy  I  to  others  show, 

Such  mercy  show  to  me ." 

"  This  is  not  the  language  of  a  weak  superstitious  mind, 

*  His  orphan  nieces  alluded  to  above. 


ILL  HEALTH  IN  PARIS.  381 

but  the  spontaneous  offspring  of  true  religion,  springing  from 
a  heart  sincerely  inspired  by  charity,  and  deeply  impressed 
with  a  sense  of  the  calamities  and  frailties  of  human  nature. 
If  the  sphere  in  which  Providence  has  placed  us  as  members 
of  society  requires  the  exercise  of  brotherly  kindness  and 
charity  towards  our  neighbour  in  general,  how  much  more 
is  this  our  duty  with  respect  to  individuals  with  whom  we  are 
connected  by  the  near  and  tender  ties  of  nature  as  well  as 
moral  obligation.  Every  lesser  virtue  may  pass  away,  but 
charity  comes  from  heaven,  and  is  immortal.  Though  I  wish 
to  be  the  instrument  of  making  family-peace,  which  I  flatter 
myself  would  tend  to  promote  the  happiness  of  you  all,  yet  I 
by  no  means  desire  you  to  do  violence  to  your  own  feelings, 
by  taking  any  step  that  is  contrary  to  your  own  judgment 
and  inclination.  Your  reconciliation  must  come  free  from 
your  heart,  otherwise  it  will  not  last,  and  therefore  it  will  be 
better  not  to  altempt  it.  Should  a  reconciliation  take  place, 
I  recommend  it  of  all  things,  that  you  never  mention  past 
grievances,  nor  show,  by  word,  look,  or  action,  that  you  have 
not  forgot  them." 

From  this  time  Paul  Jones  never  quitted  Paris.  His  con 
tinual  bad  health,  and  the  state  of  France,  and  of  the  capital, 
torn  by  faction, — the  threatening  shadow  of  those  evil  days, 
which  were  so  soon  to  follow,  already  lowering  over  it, — 
alike  enjoined  retirement  from  society.  It  does  not  appear 
to  what  political  party  he  was  attached,  though  it  is  probable 
that  of  the  Girondists,  which  was  the  legitimate  offspring  of 
the  American  revolution,  had  his  good  wishes,  tempered  by 
strong  feelings  of  personal  attachment  and  gratitude  towards 
the  amiable  Prince  who  had  shown  him  such  distinguished 
marks  of  favour.  He  had  never  appeared  at  court  from  the 
time  of  his  return  from  Russia  ;  and  if  he  appeared  at  all,  it 
was  only  once,  which  must  have  been  a  very  few  months  be 
fore  his  death.  The  scroll  of  a  letter,  dated  December  7th, 
1791,  to  the  Marquis  of  La  Fayette,  remains  among  his 


382  ATTACHMENT  TO  LOUIS  XVI. 

papers,  and  explains  his  situation  and  his  loyal  and  grateful 
feelings,  and  proves  that,  as  this  crisis  drew  near,  he  took  the 
generous  part.  The  Marquis  at  this  time,  from  his  official 
situation,  was  constantly  in  the  Palace. 

"  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  the  Marquis  dc  La  Fayette* 

"  PARIS,  December  7th,  1791. 

"  DEAR  GENERAL, — My  ill  health  for  some  time  past  has 
prevented  me  from  the  pleasure  of  paying  you  my  personal 
respects,  but  I  hope  shortly  to  indulge  myself  with  that  satis 
faction. 

"  I  hope  you  approve  the  quality  of  the  fur-linings  I  brought 
from  Russia  for  the  King  and  yourself.  I  flatter  myself  that 
his  Majesty  will  accept  from  your  hand  that  little  mark  of 
the  sincere  attachment  I  feel  for  his  person ;  and  be  assured, 
that  I  shall  be  always  ready  to  draw  the  sword  with  which 
he  honoured  me  for  the  service  of  the  virtuous  and  illustrious 
*  PROTECTOR  OF  THE  RIGHTS  OF  HUMAN  NATURE.' 

"  When  my  health  shall  be  re-established,  M.  Simolin  will 
do  me  the  honour  to  present  me  to  his  Majesty  as  a  Russian 
Admiral.  Afterwards  it  will  be  my  duty,  as  an  American 
officer,  to  wait  on  his  Majesty  with  the  letter  which  I  am 
directed  to  present  to  him  from  the  United  States. 
"  I  am,  dear  General, 

With  sincere  friendship, 

Your  affectionate  and 

Most  humble  servant." 

From  the  mutilated  fragment  of  an  angry  but  very  ener 
getic  letter,  addressed  to  the  Minister  of  Marine,  we  gather 
that  the  claims  of  Paul  Jones  on  the  French  government  still 
remained  unsettled,  which  was  indeed  the  case  at  his  death, 
and  that  he  had  been  treated  with  indignity  as  well  as  denied 
justice.  The  following  letter,  which  introduces  this  warm 
statement  of  injuries,  has  peculiar  interest,  as  it  is  presumed 


-  CLAIMS  ON  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT.  383 

to  be  the  last  effusion  of  his  pen.  It  does  not  appear  to 
whom  this  letter  was  addressed,  though  it  might  probably  be 
to  the  Minister  of  Marine  for  the  time.  It  proves  that,  how 
ever  sunk  in  health  and  hope,  the  writer  retained  the  same 
keenness  of  temper  and  acuteness  of  mind  which  distinguished 
him  at  all  periods. 

"  Rear-Admiral  Paul  Jones  to  the  Minister  of  the  French,  Marine. 

"PARIS,  March,  1792. 

"  Sin, — In  the  beginning  of  the  administration  of  your  pre 
decessor,  I  informed  him,  that  this  government,  not  having 
paid  the  salary  due  to  a  part  of  the  crew  of  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  at  the  time  when  they  were  discharged  from  the 
service,  they  had  been  paid  on  their  arrival  at  Boston ;  and 
having  myself  been  sent  back  here  after  the  war,  under  a 
special  commission  from  the  United  States,  to  settle  the  claims 
of  my  crews,  I  presented  a  memorial,  reclaiming  that  part 
of  the  salary  that  had  never  been  reimbursed.  The  Minister 
held  me  in  suspense  for  about  five  months,  and  then,  to  my 
great  surprise,  instead  of  satisfying  my  just  demand,  he  ad 
dressed  me  in  a  very  uncivil  letter,  treating  me,  as  I  con 
ceive,  like  a  schoolboy,  and  permitting  himself  to  cast  unjust 
and  uncivil  reflections  on  my  past  conduct.  My  health  did 
not  permit  me  to  answer  him  immediately ;  but  I  had  pre 
pared  a  letter,  and  was  just  going  to  send  it,  when  I  learned 
that  he  had  resigned  his  place  as  the  Minister  of  the  Marine, 
and  that  you  were  named  as  his  successor. 

"  I  request  the  favour,  sir,  that  you  may  read  his  letter  and 
my  answer ;  after  which  I  persuade  myself  you  will  do  jus 
tice  to  my  first  demand,  which  is  merely  official.  As  to  my 
personal  pretensions,  I  never  should  have  set  up  a  claim  on 
that  score  under  circumstances  less  affecting  to  my  sensibility. 
Of  this  I  need  offer  no  other  proof  than  my  silence  in  that 
respect  for  twelve  years  past.  My  losses  and  unavoidable 
expenses  during  my  long  connexion  with  this  nation  amount 


384  SERVICES  RECOUNTED. 

to  a  large  sum,  and  have  greatly  lessened  rny  fortune.  I 
have  given  solemn  proofs  of  my  great  attachment  towards 
France,  and  that  attachment  still  remains  undiminished.  I 
persuade  myself  that  I  may  with  full  assurance  repose  my 
interests  through  your  ministry  on  the  national  justice. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,"  &c.  &c. 

The  beginning  of  the  letter  referred  to  above  is  wanting, 
as  well  as  the  letter  of  the  minister  which  drew  forth  the 
following  pithy  reply.  What  of  it  remains  entire  commences 
with  the  "  risks"  of  the  writer  in  the  Texel  "  for  three  months 
together,  blocked,"  he  says,  "  within  by  the  fleet  of  Holland, 
and  without  by  the  fleets  of  England,  while  my  head  was 
rendered  a  prize  to  excite  private  treachery  and  avarice. 
My  fortitude  and  self-denial  alone  dragged  Holland  into  the 
war, — a  service  of  the  greatest  importance  to  this  nation ; 
for  without  that  great  event  no  calculation  can  ascertain 
when  the  war  would  have  ended. 

"  Would  you  suppose,  sir,  that  my  prisoners,  600  in  num 
ber,  were  treacherously  taken  out  of  my  hands  in  the  Texel, 
with  two  of  my  prizes,  a  new  ship  of  war,  pierced  for  56 
guns,  and  a  frigate  of  24  guns  in  one  battery  ? — Would  you 
suppose  that  I  was  driven  out  of  the  Texel  in  a  single  frigate 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  in  the  face  of  42  English 
ships,  and  vessels  posted  to  cut  off  my  retreat  ? — My  prisoners 
were  disposed  of  without  my  consent,  and  contrary  to  my 
intention.  My  prizes  were  all  wrested  out  of  my  hands,  and 
some  of  them,  particularly  the  ship  of  56  guns,  degraded 
and  cut  to  pieces  before  my  eyes,  and  in  contempt  of  my 
authority,  though  that  ship,  by  the  laws  of  the  American  flag, 
was  the  exclusive  property  of  the  captors. 

"  You  appear,  sir,  to  treat  me  like  a  school-boy,  when  you 
say,  —  tJ>ai  Thonneur  de  vous  observer,  monsieur,  qu'il  est 
toujours  d' usage  de  payer  directement  aux  marins  le  decompte 
des  salaires  qui  leur  reviennent  au  desarmement  des  batimens.' 


COMPLAINTS.  385 

I  could  not  have  supposed,  sir,  that  you  had  thought  me  so 
ignorant  as  to  need  that  information  seventeen  years  after  I 
was  first  honoured  with  the  rank  of  captain  in  the  navy.  * 

****** 

"  Though  my  crews  were  almost  naked,  and  I  had  no 
money  to  administer  to  their  wants,  yet  my  constant  appli 
cation  to  Court  for  two  months  produced  no  relief,  no  pay 
ment  whatever,  either  for  salary  or  prize-money.  I  was  on 
the  point  of  sailing  back  to  America,  without  any  appearance 
of  obtaining  justice,  —  without  the  least  acknowledgment, 
direct  or  indirect,  that  the  Court  was  satisfied  wtth  my  ser 
vices  ! — Under  these  circumstances,  in  a  moment  of  despair, 
I  came  to  Court  to  demand  satisfaction. 

"  The  Minister  of  the  United  States  accompanied  me  to 
M.  Sartine,  who  gave  us  a  reception  as  cold  as  ice,  did  not 
say  to  me  a  single  word,  nor  ask  me  if  my  health  had  not 
suffered  from  my  wounds  and  the  uncommon  fatigue  I  had 
undergone.  The  public  did  me  more  justice  than  the 
minister ;  and  I  owe  to  the  King  alone  the  flattering  marks 
of  distinction  with  which  I  was  honoured, — a  gold  sword, 
and  the  Order  of  Military  Merit. 

"  But  I  solicited  in  vain  for  salary  and  prize-money  ;  and 
the  Minister  of  Marine  detained  me  so  long  at  Court,  that 
the  crew  of  the  American  frigate  I  had  left  at  L'Orient, 
despairing  to  obtain  redress,  revolted,  and  carried  that  frigate 
back  to  America.  *  *  *  * 

"  It  is  true,  the  Marquis  de  Castries  pretended  for  a  long 
time  that  I  should  give  him  security  for  the  prize-money ; 
but  I  at  last  made  him  recede  from  the  absurdity  of  that  de 
mand.  I  was  detained  in  Europe  four  years  ;  and  having  in 
that  time  spent  sixty  thousand  livres  of  my  own  money,  I  re 
ceived  for  my  share  of  all  the  prizes,  as  commander  of  the 
Bon  Horn  me,  thirteen  thousand  livres !  *  *  * 

Permit  me,  by  way  of  comparison,  just  to  mention  the  treat 
ment  the  French  officers  received  who  served  in  the  Ameri- 
33 


386  LAST  ILLNESS. 

can  army.  The  war  had  been  carried  on  for  several  years 
by  the  Americans  alone,  and  there  is  no  instance  where  the 
United  States  invited  a  French  officer  to  enter  into  their  ser 
vice.  Such  as  presented  themselves  and  were  accepted,  have 
all  of  them  bettered  their  situation  by  that  connexion.  At 
the  end  of  the  war  they  received  a  gratification  of  five  years' 
pay,  the  Order  of  Cincinnatus,  and  a  lot  of  land ;  and  they 
now  enjoy  grades  far  superior  to  what  they  could  have 
attained  under  other  circumstances.  If  we  except  the  Mar 
quis  de  la  Fayette,  none  of  them  were  rich  when  they  went 
to  America.  They  are  all  now  in  easy  circumstances.  In 
short,  they  have  been  treated  much  better  than  the  Americans 
themselves,  who  served  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the 
Revolution. 

"  I  hope  and  desire,  sir,  that  you  may  lay  this  letter  before 
the  King.  It  contains  many  things  out  of  the  general  rule 
of  delicacy  which  marks  my  proceedings,  and  which,  on  any 
occasion  less  affecting  to  my  sensibility,  would  never  have 
escaped  from  my  tongue  or  pen." 

From  about  this  time  the  health  of  Paul  Jones  sunk 
rapidly.  Symptoms  of  jaundice  appeared, — a  disease  which 
not  unfrequently  follows  mental  chagrin  and  disappointment. 
It  does  not,  however,  appear  that  he  was  long  confined. 
About  the  beginning  of  July  dropsical  symptoms  supervened 
on  his  other  disorders,  and  he  expired  on  the  evening  of  the 
18th  of  that  month.  Though  far  from  those  on  whose  affec 
tion  he  had  a  natural  claim,  his  dying  hours  were  not  un- 
solaced  by  the  constant  and  tender  offices  of  friendship. 

Many  idle  rumours  connected  with  his  death  have  been 
circulated,  as  if  his  latter  days  had  been  spent  in  extreme  pov 
erty,  chilling  neglect,  and  entire  abandonment.  These  are  of 
a  piece  with  the  other  calumnies  and  marks  of  obloquy  with 
which  his  memory  and  character  have  been  loaded.  The 
subjoined  letters  and  documents  afford  a  simple  and  an  ample 


PROPERTY.  387 

refutation  of  charges  and  assumptions  made,  probably,  as 
much  in  ignorance  as  malice. 

"  Letter  of  M.  Bcaupoil  to  either  Mrs.  Taylor  or  Mrs,  London,  Sisters  of  Paul 
Jones,  Esq.,  Admiral  in  the  Russian  Service. 

"  MADAM, — I  am  sorry  to  acquaint  you  that  your  brother, 
Admiral  Paul  Jones,  my  friend,  paid,  yesterday,  the  debt  we 
all  owe  to  nature.  He  has  made  a  will,  which  is  deposited  in 
the  hands  of  Mr.  Badinier,  notary,  St.  Servin  Street,  Paris. 
The  will  was  drawn  in  English,  by  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris, 
Minister  of  the  UNITED  STATES,  and  translated  faithfully  by 
the  French  notary  aforesaid.  The  Admiral  leaves  his  pro 
perty,  real  and  personal,  to  his  two  sisters  and  their  children. 
They  are  named  in  the  will  as  being  married,  one  to  William 

Taylor,  and  the  other  to = —  Loudon,  of  Dumfries.     The 

executor  is  Mr.  Robert  Morris  of  Philadelphia.  If  I  could  be 
of  any  service  to  you  in  this  business,  out  of  the  friendship  I 
bore  your  brother,  I  '11  do  it  with  pleasure.  I  am  a  French 
man  and  an  officer.  I  am  sincerely  yours, 

"  BEAUPOIL. 

"  PARIS,  July  19,  1792,  No.  7,  Hotel  Anglais, 
Passage  des  Petits  Peres. 

"  The  English  will  is  signed  by  Colonels  Swan,  Blackden, 
and  myself.  The  schedule  of  his  property  lying  in  Denmark, 
Russia,  France,  America,  and  elsewhere,  is  signed  by  Mr. 
Morris,  and  deposited  by  me  in  his  bureau,  with  the  original 
will.  Everything  is  sealed  up  at  his  lodgings,  Tournon  Street, 
No.  42,  Paris. 

"  You  may  depend  also  on  the  good  services  of  Colonel 
Blackden,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Admiral's.  That 
gentleman  is  setting  out  for  London,  where  you  may  hear  of 
him  at  No.  18,  Great  Tichfield  Street,  London." 

On  receiving  this  letter,  Mrs.  Taylor  wrote  to  Colonel 
Blackden  in  London,  and  obtained  a  reply  in  course  of  post. 


388  COL.  BLACKDEN'S  LETTER. 

"  Colonel  Blackden  to  Mrs.  Taylor  of  Dumfries,  eldest  Sister  of  Admiral 
Paul  Jones. 

"  GREAT  TICHFIELD  STREET, 

LONDON,  Aug.  9th. 

"  MADAM, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  letter  of  the 
3d  instant,  and  shall  answer  you  most  readily.  Your  brother, 
Admiral  Jones,  was  not  in  good  health  for  about  a  year,  but 
had  not  been  so  unwell  as  to  keep  house.  For  two  months 
past  he  began  to  lose  his  appetite,  to  grow  yellow,  and  show 
signs  of  the  jaundice ;  for  this  he  took  medicine,  and  seemed 
to  grow  better ;  but  about  ten  days  before  his  death  his  legs 
began  to  swell,  which  increased  upwards,  so  that  two  days 
before  his  exit  he  could  not  button  his  waistcoat,  and  had 
great  difficulty  of  breathing. 

"  I  visited  him  every  day,  and,  beginning  to  be  apprehen 
sive  of  his  danger,  desired  him  to  settle  his  affairs ;  but  this 
he  put  off  till  the  afternoon  of  his  death,  when  he  was  pre 
vailed  on  to  send  for  a  notaire,  and  made  his  will.  Mr.  Beau- 
poil  and  myself  witnessed  it  at  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  eve 
ning,  and  left  him  sitting  in  a  chair.  A  few  minutes  after  we 
retired  he  walked  into  his  chamber,  and  laid  himself  upon  his 
face,  on  the  bed-side,  with  his  feet  on  the  floor ;  after  the 
Queen's  physician  arrived,  they  went  into  the  room,  and  found 
him  in  that  position,  and  upon  taking  him  up,  they  found  he 
had  expired. 

"  His  disorder  had  terminated  in  dropsy  of  the  breast.  His 
body  was  put  into  a  leaden  coffin  on  the  twentieth,  that  in 
case  the  United  States,  whom  he  had  so  essentially  served, 
and  with  so  much  honour  to  himself,  should  claim  his  remains, 
they  might  be  more  easily  removed.  This  is  all,  Madam,  that 
I  can  say  concerning  his  illness  and  death. 

"  I  most  sincerely  condole  with  you,  Madam,  upon  the  loss 
of  my  dear  and  respectable  friend,  for  whom  I  entertained  the 
greatest  affection,  and  as  a  proof  of  it,  you  may  command  the 


ELOGE.  389 

utmost  exertion  of  my  feeble  abilities,  which  shall  be  rendered 
with  cheerfulness. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Madam, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  S.  BLACKDEN." 

The  American  Ambassador,  Gouverneur  Morris,  did  not 
think  it  necessary  to  claim  the  remains  of  Admiral  Jones,  nor 
did  the  United  States.  As  a  protestant  and  heretic,  it  was 
still,  we  believe,  necessary  to  obtain  liberty  of  burial  in  con 
secrated  ground,  and  this  was  probably  done.  The  National 
Assembly  paid  his  memory  the  honour  of  sending  a  deputation 
of  twelve  of  their  body  to  attend  the  funeral.  He  was  buried 
at  Paris  on  the  20th  July,  and  the  following  funeral  discourse 
was  pronounced  over  his  grave  by  Mr.  Marron,  a  protestant 
clergyman  of  Paris. 

(Translation.) 

"Discourse  pronounced  by  Mr.  Marron^  officiating  Protestant  Clergyman,  at 
the  Funeral,  of  Admiral  Paul  Jones,  July  20,  1 792,  in  Paris. 

"  Legislators  !  citizens  !  soldiers  !  friends  !  brethren  !  and 
Frenchmen !  we  have  just  returned  to  the  earth  the  remains 
of  an  illustrious  stranger,  one  of  the  first  champions  of  the 
liberty  of  America,  of  that  liberty  which  so  gloriously  ushered 
in  our  own.  The  Semiramis  of  the  north  had  drawn  him 
under  her  standard,  but  Paul  Jones  could  not  long  breathe  the 
pestilential  air  of  despotism  ;  he  preferred  the  sweets  of  a 
private  life  in  France,  now  free,  to  the  eclat  of  titles  and  of 
honours,  which,  from  an  usurped  throne,  were  lavished  upon 
him  by  Catherine.  The  fame  of  the  brave  outlives  him,  his 
portion  is  immortality.  What  more  flattering  homage  could 
we  pay  to  the  manes  of  Paul  Jones,  than  to  swear  on  his 
tomb  to  live  or  to  die  free  ?  It  is  the  vow,  it  is  the  watchword 
of  every  Frenchman. 
33* 


390  PAUL  JONES'S  WILL. 

"  Let  never  tyrants,  nor  their  satellites,  pollute  this  sacred 
earth  !  May  the  ashes  of  the  great  man,  too  soon  lost  to 
humanity,  and  eager  to  be  free,  enjoy  here  an  undisturbed  re 
pose  !  Let  his  example  teach  posterity  the  efforts  which  noble 
souls  are  capable  of  making,  when  stimulated  by  hatred  to 
oppression.  Friends  and  brethren,  a  noble  emulation  bright 
ens  in  your  looks ;  your  time  is  precious,  the  country  is  in 
danger !  Who  amongst  us  would  not  shed  the  last  drop  of 
their  blood  to  save  it?  Associate  yourselves  to  the  glory  of 
Paul  Jones,  in  imitating  him  in  his  contempt  of  dangers,  in 
his  devotedness  to  his  country,  in  his  noble  heroism,  which, 
after  having  astonished  the  present  age,  will  continue  to  be 
the  imperishable  object  of  the  veneration  of  future  genera 
tions  !" 

(Translated  from  the  French.) 
"  Testament  oj  Paul  Jones,  ISth  July,  1792. 

"Before  the  undersigned  notaries,  at  Paris,  appeared  Mr. 
John  Paul  Jones,  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  America,  re 
sident  at  present  in  Paris,  lodged  in  the  street  of  Tournon, 
No.  42,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Dorberque,  huissier  audiancier 
of  the  tribunal  of  the  third  arrondissement,  found  in  a  parlour 
in  the  first  story  above  the  floor,  lighted  by  two  windows 
opening  on  the  said  street  of  Tournon,  sitting  in  an  arm-chair, 
sick  of  body,  but  sound  of  mind,  memory,  and  understanding, 
as  it  appeared  to  the  undersigned  notaries  by  his  discourse 
and  conversation, — 

"Who,  in  view  of  death,  has  made,  dictated,  and  worded, 
to  the  undersigned  notaries,  his  testament  as  follows: — 

"  I  "give  and  bequeath  all  the  goods,  as  well  moveable  as 
heritable,  and  all,  generally,  whatever  may  appertain  to  me  at 
my  decease,  in  whatever  country  they  may  be  situated,  to 
my  two  sisters,  Janet,  spouse  to  William  Taylor,  and  Mary, 
wife  to  Mr.  Loudon,  and  to  the  children  of  rny  said  sisters,  to 


PAUL  JONES'S  WILL.  391 

divide  them  into  as  many  portions  as  my  said  sisters  and  their 
children  shall  make  up  individuals,  and  to  be  enjoyed  by  them 
in  the  following  manner : — 

"  My  sisters,  and  those  of  their  children,  who  on  the  day 
of  my  death  shall  have  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one,  will 
enjoy  their  share  in  full  property  from  the  date  of  decease. 
As  for  those  of  my  nephews  and  nieces  who  at  that  period 
of  time  may  not  reach  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  their 
mothers  will  enjoy  their  shares  till  such  time  as  they  attain 
that  said  age,  with  charge  to  them  to  provide  for  their  food, 
maintenance,  and  education ;  and  as  soon  as  any  of  iny 
nephews  or  nieces  will  have  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  the  same  will  enjoy  his  share  in  full  property. 

"  If  one  or  more  of  my  nephews  and  nieces  should  happen 
to  die  without  children  before  having  reached  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  the  share  of  those  of  them  who  may  have  de 
c-eased  shall  be  divided  betwixt  my  said  sisters  and  my  other 
nephews  and  nieces  by  equal  portions. 

"  I  name  the  honourable  Robert  Morris,  Esq.  of  Philadel 
phia,  my  only  testamentary  executor. 

"  I  revoke  all  other  testaments  or  codicils  which  I  may 
have  made  before  the  present,  which  alone  I  stand  by  as  con 
taining  my  last  will. 

'*  So  made,  dictated,  and  worded,  by  said  testator,  to  the 
said  notaries  undersigned,  and  afterwards  read,  and  read  over 
again  to  him  by  one  of  them,  the  other  being  present,  which 
he  well  understood,  and  persevered  in,  at  Paris,  the  year 
1792,  the  18th  July,  about  five  o'clock  afternoon,  in  the  room 
heretofore  described,  and  the  said  testator  signed  the  original 
of  the  present,  unregistrated,  at  Paris  the  25th  September, 
1792,  by  Defrance,  who  received  one  livre,  provisionally, 
save  to  determine  definitively  the  right  after  the  declaration 
of  the  revenue  of  the  testator.  The  original  remained  with 
Mr.  Pottier,  one  of  the  notaries  at  Paris,  undersigned,  who 


392        SCHEDULE  OF  JONES'S  PROPERTY. 

delivered  these  presents  this  day,  26th  September,  1792,  first 
of  the  French  Republic.  POTTIER. 

"  (Signed)  L' A  VERNIER." 

(Copy.) 

"Schedule  of  the  Property  of  Admiral  John  PaulJones,  as  stated  by  him  to 
me  this  I8fh  of  July,  1792. 

"  1st,  Bank  stock  in  the  Bank  of  North  America,  at  Phila 
delphia,  6000  dollars,  with  sundry  dividends. 

"  2d,  Loan-Office  certificate  left  with  my  friend  John  Ross 
of  Philadelphia,  for  2000  dollars  at  par,  with  great  arrear 
ages  of 'interest,  being  for  ten  or  twelve  years. 

"  3d,  Such  balance  as  may  be  in  the  hands  of  my  said 
friend,  John  Ross,  belonging  to  me,  and  sundry  effects  left  in 
his  care. 

"  4th,  My  lands  in  the  State  of  Vermont. 

"  5th,  Shares  in  the  Ohio  Company. 

"  6th,  Shares  in  the  Indiana  Company. 

"7th,  About  18007.  sterling  due  to  me  from  Edward  Ban 
croft,  unless  paid  by  him  to  Sir  Robert  Herries,  and  is  then 
in  his  hands. 

"  8th,  Upwards  of  four  years  of  my  pension  due  from 
Denmark,  to  be  asked  from  the  Count  de  Bernstorf. 

"  9th,  Arrearages  of  my  pay  from  the  Empress  of  Russia, 
and  all  my  prize-money. 

"  10th,  The  balance  due  to  me  by  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  sundry  claims  in  Europe,  which  will  appear 
from  my  papers. 

"  This  is  taken  from  his  mouth. 

(Signed)  "  Govn.  MORRIS, 

**  Ambassador  from  the  United  States 
to  the  Court  of  France." 

The  manners  and  moral  character  of  Paul  Jones  have  been 
the  frequent  subject  of  discussion  and  of  very  contradictory 


CHARACTER.  393 

statements.  His  professional  talents  and  personal  appearance 
are  less  the  topics  of  dispute.  It  is  agreed  that  he  was  about  the 
middle  size,  slightly  made,  but  active  and  agile,  and  in  youth 
capable  of  considerable  exertion  and  fatigue.  In  advancing 
life,  though  he  continued  equally  hardy  and  active  in  his  habits, 
it  was  the  vehement,  fiery  spirit  that  o'er-informed  its  shattered 
tenement ;  and  after  almost  every  journey  we  find  him  suffer 
ing  from  cold  and  fatigue,  or  having  serious  illnesses.  He  was 
of  the  complexion  usually  united  with  dark  hair  and  eyes, 
which  his  were ;  but  his  skin  had  become  embrowned  by 
exposure  from  boyhood  to  all  varieties  of  weather  and 
of  climate.  His  physiognomical  expression  indicated  that 
promptitude  and  decision  in  action  which  were  striking 
characteristics  of  his  mind.  His  bust  is  said  to  be  a  good 
likeness  ;  his  portrait,  painted  in  America,  and  probably  a 
very  indifferent  resemblance,  exhibits  a  rather  precise-looking 
little  man.  The  style  of  the  highly-powdered  hair,  or  wig, 
would,  however,  convert  Achilles  himself  into  a  pedant  or  a 
petit  maitre. 

In  manners  Paul  Jones  has  been  described  by  one  party 
as  stiff,  finical,  and  conceited  ;  by  another  as  arrogant,  brutal, 
and  quarrelsome.  The  first  statement  may  have  some  colour 
of  truth,  the  last  is  impossible.  He  had  reached  manhood 
before  he  could  have  had  much  intercourse  with  polite  society. ; 
and  manners,  formed  so  late  in  life  on  the  fashionable  models 
of  Paris  and  Versailles,  may  have  sat  somewhat  stiffly  on  the 
Anglo-American,  who,  in  giving  up  his  own  republican  sim 
plicity,  and  professional  openness  and  freedom,  might  not  have 
acquired  all  the  ease  and  grace,  even  if  he  did  attain  the  ele-. 
gance  and  polish  of  French  manners  ;  but  his  appearance  and 
manners  must  have  been  those  of  a  gentleman.  Mauvais  ton, 
to  a  certain  degree,  might  have  been  tolerated  in  a  seaman 
and  a  foreigner;  but  "rudeness,  arrogance,  and  brutality," 
must  have  proved  an  effectual  barrier  of  exclusion  from  those 
polite  and  courtly  circles  where  Paul  Jmies  was  not  only 


394  CHARACTER. 

received  but  welcomed;  and  into  which  he  made  his  own 
way,  and  maintained  his  place,  long  after  he  had  lost  the 
gloss  and  resistless  attraction  of  novelty.  The  letter  of  Ma 
dame  Rinsby,  and  other  published  documents,  prove  the  foot 
ing  he  held  in  respectable  French  female  society  to  his  death, 
and  are  quite  conclusive  as  to  the  propriety  of  his  manners. 
He  has  again  been  described  as  "  grossly  ignorant."  No  one 
who  pursues  his  career,  or  peruses  his  letters,  can  for  a  mo 
ment  believe  a  charge  so  absurd.  From  his  first  appearance 
as  a  ship-boy  he  must  have  been  set  down  as  a  very  clever 
and  promising  lad ;  and  if  not  a  prodigy  of  learning,  which 
was  an  impossibility,  he  had  far  more  literature  than  was  at 
all  usual  in  his  day,  even  in  the  very  highest  ranks  of  his  pro 
fession.  His  verses  are  far  from  despicable.  Baron  Grirnm, 
we  think,  overrates  them,  yet  he  was  an  admirable  critic. 
They  were  found  amusing  and  agreeable  in  polished  society, 
which  is  the  very  best  test  and  use  of  occasional  verse,  namely, 
of  all  such  verse  as  the  public  can  well  spare,  and  his  muse 
was  humanizing  to  his  own  mind.  We  like  his  prose  better 
than  his  verse.  It  is  often  admirable  if  struck  off  at  one  hit, 
particularly  when  the  writer  gets  warm,  and  gives  way  to 
his  feelings  of  indignation.  It  is  said',  that  a  minister,  in  read 
ing  the  despatches  of  Lord  Collingwood,  who  went  to  sea  at 
twelve  years  of  age,  used  to  ask,  "  Where  has-  Collingwood 
got  his  style  ? — He  writes  better  than  any  of  us."  With  fully 
more  propriety  many  of  the  members  of  Congress,  so  far  as 
regarded  their  own  compositions  and  resolves,  might  have  put 
a  similar  question  in  relation  to  Paul  Jones.  He  is  allowed 
to  have  been  kind  and  attentive  to  his  crews,  and  generous 
and  liberal  in  all  pecuniary  transactions  of  a  private  nature; 
though  his  correspondence  shows  that  he  was  commendably 
tenacious  of  his  pecuniary  claims  on  states  and  public  bodies. 
His  memoirs  afford  some  pleasing  instances  of  his  kindness 
to  his  prisoners,  and  of  his  desire  to  rescue  them  from  the 
fangs  of  agents  and  commissaries.  So  far  as  discipline  de- 


CHARACTER.  395 

scends,  Paul  Jones  was  a  rigid  and  strict  disciplinarian.  In 
his  own  person  he  appears  to  have  been  so  impatient  of  all 
control  and  check  as  to  be  unfit  for  any  regularly  organized 
service,  though  admirably  adapted  to  the  singular  crisis  at 
which  he  appeared.  To  his  dress  he  was,  or  at  least  latterly 
became,  so  attentive  as  to  have  it  remarked.  It  was  a  better 
trait  that  his  ship  was  at  all  times  remarkable  for  cleanliness 
and  neatness,  and  for  the  same  good  order  and  arrangement 
which  pervaded  all  his  private  affairs.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  fond  of  music,  and  to  have  performed  himself. 

The  acute  understanding  of  Paul  Jones  perpetually  con 
flicting  with  his  natural  keenness  and  warmth  of  temper,  gave 
at  times  the  appearance  of  vacillation  to  his  conduct,  and  the 
unpleasant  and  unwise  alternation  of  bold  defiance  with  undue 
submission.  This  is  painfully  conspicuous  in  his  unhappy  and 
heart-breaking  connexion  with  Potemkin.  On  other  occa 
sions,  as  on  the  sailing  of  Landais  in  the  mutiny,  he  showed 
a  remarkable  degree  of  self-command  and  forbearance.  The 
self-eulogium  which  so  frequently  obtrudes  itself  in  his  writ 
ing,  was,  it  should  be  recollected,  generally  called  forth  by 
peculiar  circumstances.  A  man  has  every  right  to  bring 
forward  his  services,  when  those  who  should  remember 
appear  disposed  to  forget  them.  Besides,  what  is  here  con 
centrated  into  one  small  volume,  was  in  reality  diffused  over 
the  correspondence  of  twenty  years  of  an  active  life.  Boast 
ing,  for  some  reason  which  we  leave  to  philosophy  to  inves 
tigate,  appears  an  inherent  quality  in  great  naval  command 
ers.  Nelson,  Rodney,  Drake,  were  all,  in  one  sense,  arrant 
braggarts. 

It  is  a  less  amiable  trait  in  the  character  of  Paul  Jones, 
that  we  find  him  very  frequently  quarrelling  with  rival  and 
associate  commanders,  and  never  once  bestowing  hearty 
cordial  praise  on  any  one  of  them.  His  avarice  of  fame,  like 
the  same  vice  of  a  more  sordid  kind,  not  only  gave  him  the 
insatiable  desire  of  accumulation,  but  tempted  him,  if  not  to 


396  CHARACTER. 

defraud,  at  least  to  trench  on  the  rights  of  others;  and  his 
hostility,  though  open,  was  often  far  from  generous :  yet  his 
squabbles  were  wholly  professional.  In  private  life  there 
appears  to  have  been  no  reason  to  fasten  on  him  the  odious 
imputation  of  being  quarrelsome,  which  some  have  attempted. 
.He  was  fonder,  not  of  glory  alone,  but  of  its  trappings  and 
badges,  than  quite  became  the  champion  of  a  republic,  and 
the  pupil  of  Franklin;  but  this  is  a  mere  subject  of  opinion. 
He  may  have  considered  these  symbols  as  the  seals  with 
which  Fame  ratifies  her  bonds. 

The  moral  character  of  Paul  Jones,  at  all  stages  of  his 
career,  has  been  in  England  the  subject  of  violent  abuse  and 
of  gross  misrepresemation.  If  this  has  been  done  by  English 
men  from  a  mistaken  love  of  their  country,  they  dishonour 
their  country  and  themselves.  If  it  is,  as  we  hope,  to  be  at 
tributed  to  ignorance  of  facts,  such  statements  should  hence 
forth  cease.  His  failings  were  precisely  such  as  he  must 
have  been  a  moral  monster  to  have  escaped  ;  they  arose  from 
his  natural  character  and  from  his  profession : — it  is  the  ut 
most  malice  could  say,  and  more  than  is  warranted  by  truth, 
that  he  was 

"  Jealous  in  honour  ;  sudden  and  quick  in  quarrel : 

Seeking  the  bubble  reputation 

Even  in  the  cannon's  mouth.'' 


THE  END. 


APPENDIX. 

(Page  29.) 


"ON  board  of  that  ship,  before  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Jones  hoisted  the  flag 
of  America  with  his  own  hands,  the  first  time  it  was  ever  displayed." 

With  respect  to  this  claim  so  often  made  on  behalf  of  Admiral  Paul 
Jones,  the  American  editor  ventures  to  publish  the  following  very  curi 
ous  correspondence.  It  consists  of  a  letter  from  the  late  President  John 
Adams  to  the  Hon.  John  Langdon,  Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the 
governor's  answer.  For  these  documents  the  editor  is  indebted  to  the 
politeness  of  Dr.  Elwyn  of  Philadelphia,  a  grandson  of  Governor  Langdon. 

"  QUINCY,  January  24,  1813. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  feel  an  irresistible  propensity  to  compare  notes  with 
you,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  your  memory  and  mine  coincide  in  the 
recollection  of  the  circumstances  of  a  particular  transaction  in  the  history 
of  this  country.  As  it  lies  in  my  mind,  Captain  John  Manly  applied  to 
General  Washington,  in  Cambridge,  in  1775,  informed  him  that  British 
transports  and  merchant  ships  were  frequently  passing  and  repassing  un 
armed,  and  asked  leave  to  put  a  few  guns  aboard  a  vessel  to  cruise  for 
them.  Washington  either  shrinking  from  the  boldness  of  the  enterprise, 
or  doubting  his  authority,  prudently  transmitted  the  information  to  Con 
gress  in  a  letter.  When  the  letter  was  read,  many  members  seemed 
much  surprised ;  but  a  motion  was  made,  and  seconded,  to  commit  it  to  a 
special  committee.  Opposition  was  made  to  this  motion,  and  a  debate 
ensued ;  but  the  motion  prevailed  by  a  small  majority.  The  committee 
appointed  were  John  Langdon,  Silas  Deane,  and  John  Adams.  We  met  and 
at  once  agreed  to  report  a  resolution  authorizing  General  Washington  to 
34  (397) 


398  APPENDIX. 

fit  and  arm  one  or  more  vessels  for  the  purpose.  A  more  animated  op 
position  and  debate  arose  upon  this  report,  but  the  resolution  was  carried 
by  a  small  majority.  Under  the  authority  of  this  resolution,  Washington 
fitted  out  Manly,  who  soon  brought  in  several  prizes,  the  most  important 
of  which  was  that  transport  loaded  with  soldiers,  arms,  ammunition,  and 
that  immortal  mortar,  which  was  called  the  Congress,  and  finally  drove 
the  British  army  out  of  Boston  and  their  fleet  out  of  the  harbour.  This 
splendid  success  inspired  new  courage  into  Congress.  They  appointed 
a  new  committee,  consisting  of  yourself,  Governor  Hopkins,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  Mr.  Gadsden  and  me,  to  purchase,  arm,  and  equip,  officer 
and  man  ships.  We  met  every  night,  and  in  a  short  time,  had  the  Al 
fred,  Columbus,  Cabot,  Andrew  Doria,  Providence,  &c.,  at  sea,  under 
Commodore  Hopkins.  The  naval  enterprise  of  Congress  increased  fast. 
They  soon  appointed  a  committee  of  one  from  each  state,  of  whom  you 
were  one,  and  ordered  twelve  frigates  to  be  built.  My  recollection  has 
been  incited  by  late  information  from  Philadelphia,  that  Paul  Jones  has 
written  in  his  Journal,  '  My  hand  first  hoisted  the  American  Flag ;'  and 
that  Captain  Barry  used  to  say,  that  the  '  first  British  flag  struck  to  him.' 
Both  these  vain  boasts  I  know  to  be  false ;  and  as  you  know  them  to  be 
so,  I  wish  to  have  your  testimony  to  corroborate  mine. 

"  It  is  not  decent  nor  just  that  those  emigrant  foreigners  of  the  South, 
should  falsely  arrogate  to  themselves  merit  that  belongs  to  New  England 
sailors,  officers  and  men. 

"  Wishing  you  a  healthy  pleasant  year, 

"  I  remain  your  obedient  friend, 

"  JOHN  ADAMS. 
"  JOHN  LANGDON,  Esq., 

"  Late  Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  Portsmouth" 

"  PORTSMOUTH,  January  27th,  1813. 

"  RESPECTED  SIR, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  by  the  last  mail, 
your  letter  of  the  24th  instant,  by  which  I  see  your  time  is  taken  up,  and 
your  mind  continually  on  the  stretch,  for  the  support  and  honour  of  our 
beloved  country.  You  request  me  to  call  to  mind  '  the  circumstances  of 
a  particular  transaction  in  the  history  of  this  country ;'  to  which  I  an 
swer,  that  upon  reading  your  correct  statement  of  the  proceedings  of 
Congress  on  our  naval  matters,  the  appointment  of  committees,  of  which 
we  were  a  part,  the  struggle  we  had  to  begin  our  little  navy,  and  the 
opposition  that  was  made  by  many  members  of  Congress,  brings  to  my 
recollection  the  circumstances  that  took  place  in  1775,  in  all  which,  as  far 


APPENDIX. 


309 


as  I  can  recollect,  I  most  perfectly  coincide  with  you.  The  appointment 
of  Manly,  and  his  successes,  must  be  well  known  throughout  the  United 
States.  As  to  Paul  Jones,  if  my  memory  serves  me,  pretending-  to  say 
that  *  his  hand  first  hoisted  the  American  Flag,'  and  Captain  Barry,  '  the 
first  British  flag  struck  to  him,'  are  both  unfounded,  as  it  is  impressed  on 
my  mind  that  many  prizes  were  brought  into  the  New  England  States, 
before  their  names  were  mentioned.  I  am,  dear  sir,  always  happy  to 
hear  from  you,  that  you  are  in  good  health,  and  able  still  to  continue  your 
pre-eminent  services  to  your  country.  Mrs.  Langdon,  who,  I  am  sorry  to 
say,  has  been  very  unwell  for  sometime  past,  joins  me  in  our  most  sincere 
respects  to  yourself  and  your  good  lady,  whom  we  have  in  grateful  re 
membrance. 

"  That  your  last  days  may  be  your  best  and  happiest,  is  the  wish  of 
your  old  friend  and  humble  servant, 

"JOHN  LANGDON. 
"  Honourable  JOHN  ADAMS, 

"Late  President,  &c.' 


Jones  saving  the  Boats. — (P.  254.) 


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